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[xxxvi. 10]
1821. April 26.
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Constitutional Finance?
But as, with the power of granting, the power of refusing receives correspondent encrease, so with that love which produces gratitude will encrease that fear which produces respect: not more than in the hands of the opulent, with the negative power of refusing favour to those who have not been, and those who have ceased to be, the objects of their regard is conjoined, in no inconsiderable degree, the power of doing positive evil to those who were the objects of their positive aversion. By the operation of all these causes taken together, thus intimate is the connection between the idea presented by the word rich, and the idea presented by the word respectable. Of the effect produced by this association on conduct, discourse and, to no inconsiderable degree, on opinion and affection, an exemplification may be seen in the picture of the parasite as drawn by the earliest of the Dramatists whose works have reached us.
If such and so great as the ordinary influence and effect of this matter of wealth in hands of individuals distributed in parcels of an ordinary bulk each, what must it be accumulated in an immense mass in company with supreme power and the highest lot of factitious dignity, togeher with the manufactory in which all inferior lots are fabricated - these instruments of influence all placed in the same hand. If such be the influence /even were wealth the whole/ of wealth when reckoned by thousands, what must it not be when reckoned by millions?
As long as wealth and government have had existence, the powers of poetry and oratory have been employed in singing the praises of the powerful, the dignified and the wealthy. While the effusions of praise have thus had free scope with reward in every shape to pay for them, those of censure have all along and every where been suppressed by every restraint which it was in the power of punishment to apply.
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Title: [[xxxvi. 171] 1822 July 24 Constitut]Description: [xxxvi. 171] 1822 July 24 Constitut. Code Rationale Supreme Constitutive in people Supreme Operative? Enmity between high and low is not reciprocal Every where it has been seen with the single exception of a well /an aptly/ organized Representative Democracy, the ruling and influential few are enemies of /to/ the subject many: enemies in mind as well as in act, and by the very nature of man until the government whatever it be has given way to a Representative Democracy unchangeable /perpetual and implacable/ enemies. Not so the subject many to the ruling and influential few the enmity is not reciprocal: it is all of it on one side. on that one side only. The subject many are every where both oppressing and plundering the subject many. The subject many have neither the expectation nor the desire of oppressing or plundering the rich /wealthy/. Oppress them they could not without plundering them without plundering them of all they have: for without any factitious power, that is to say official power their, their wealth can not but protect them - protect them most effectually against oppression in every shape Plunder the wealthy few: the subject many could not by any general resumption or /and new/ division of property, for by any such attempt every thing valuable and all property in it would be destroyed: that of the poorest as well as that of the most wealthy. As little could they in the way of taxation: taking this or that part instead of the whole. For between wealthy and not wealth there being no line of separation actual or practicable, the less rich could not be taxed without the taxing of the more rich likewise. In the Anglo-American United States the class who with relation to the purpose in question are without property - that is to say without property sufficient for their maintenance, have for upwards of forty years by means of the right of electing the possessors of the Supreme Operative power had the property of the wealthy within the compass of their legal power: in what instance has any infringement of property been ever made?
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Title: [[xxxvi. 172] 1822 July 24 Constitut]Description: [xxxvi. 172] 1822 July 24 Constitut. Code Rationale Supreme Operative? Supreme Constitutive in people Enmity between high and low is not reciprocal The worst that could happen to the ruling and influential few from power if vested in the hands of the many that is to say /say rather/ of all themselves the ruling few included - is to see themselves, brought down to the level of /an equality/ the many in all things wealth excepted: in respect of power, to the having no more than an equal chance for power in respect of factitious honor to be without it /divested/, the many being at the same time unpossessed of it While the triumvirate of the wealthy the powerful and the factitiously dignified reigns injustice to the prejudice of the greatest number reigns in every part of the field of government: injustice to /for/ the benefit of the /these/ few at the expence and to the burthening of the many. Suppose that portion of the aggregate mass of power which they are capable of holding - suppose the Constitutive power - in the hands of the many /greatest number/, what in respect of justice and injustice would be the consequence? Not the reverse of the present state of things: not injustice to the benefit of the many at the expence of the few, but justice to all alike Take England for example. By the factitous expence imposed /purposed/ on justice /judicial proceedings/ nine tenths of the population to say the least are excluded from the benefit of justice as well in the character /situation/ of defendants as in that of plaintiffs. a line is thus drawn between the wealthy and the non-wealthy: wealthy all those who are capable of demanding the assistance of the judicial office; or resisting the demand when made at their charge by others: the non-wealthy all those who are incapable all those whose situation is below the line of separation are /lie/ at the mercy of all those whose situation is above it. Now suppose this factitious burthen compleatly removed, what would be the consequence? that the wealthy would be at the mercy of the non-wealthy? No: only that they /these few/ would cease to see the many lying absolutely at their mercy: and that both /in so much that the two/ parties would have to contend upon terms less unequal than at present. I say less unequal - for as to absolute equality this is what the very nature of the case absolutely forbids. For it is upon evidence that the fate of every cause depends, and evidence is not in every case to be had altogether without expence: and to the necessary amount of this expence, even when all factitious expence is struck off, no determinate limits can be assigned.
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Title: [[Recapitulation] 11 Oct. 1801]Description: [Recapitulation] 11 Oct. 1801 Alarm Ballance Recapitulation 3 25 Decrease of prices in any considerable and sensible degree is not desirable any more than encrease of prices 26 The an encrease produces loss to one part of the community, the other to another. 27 But the mischief which the community is exposed to suffer from encrease is beyond comparison greater than that it is exposed to suffer from decrease: for encrease, with the mischief attendant on it, has its limits. 28 The entire stoppage of the encrease of money would be productive to a certain degree of a decrease of prices 29 But the decrease capable of resulting from such a cause would never /hardly/ be considerable enough to be productive of a sensible degree of inconvenience. 30 It can no otherwise happen /be produced/ than by an encrease in the quantity of real wealth. It therefore can not outstrip the encrease in the quantity of real wealth. The encrease in the quantity of real wealth can scarcely be quick enough to produce any sensible inconvenience by encrease of prices 30 prices: that is to produce in the compass of more[?] than an ordinary term has to run any such decrease in the prices of the products of agriculture as shall diminish in any sensible degree the means /[…?]/ of the farmer in respect of the payment of his rent. 31 It does not appear that the quantity of real wealth has more than doubled itself in the course of the last hundred years. But it must double itself before it can have produced a diminution to the amount of 50 per Cent in the quantities of money in the hands of farmers for the payment of their rents. 32 If the encrease in the population of Great Britain and Ireland is to be understood as kindled by the encrease in the quantity of subsistence capable of being raised within the local limits of the two Islands, it is impossible that the real wealth of the two Islands should ever rise to double its present amount, in any number of years, much less in another hundred years. For there remains, out of land susceptible of cultivation, double the quantity of land already brought into cultivation. 33 If therefore the quantity of real wealth were to double itself in the hundred years, the virtual income tax thus imposed on the farmers would not, if /although/ it were subject to no deductions exceed the amount of 10 per Cent: for the three rents which on the ordinary computation the farmer must and does produce it is one only that he will have to turn into money for producing the same […?] sum of money every year for paying the Landlord’s Rent: for the rest, though he will receive less money a quantity of money decreased[?] in the proportion supposed, yet as the value of it will encrease in 33 in the same proportion, he will be no loser upon these two parts: that portion of them which is consumed by him and his family in kind included. 34 At the end of the /such/ 20 years it will not therefore have amounted to more than £3: 6 s 8 per cent upon his income: and as the encrease of the tax during that time will have been gradual, the average amount of it for each and every year of the term will be no more than £1: 13 s: 4. 35 The amount of this tax is no greater than what may be expected to receive in the time a full compensation in /from/ the improvements that will have been made in agriculture, and if it should not 35 not receive any compensation, the amount of it /its pressure on the particular class/ is scarce worth regarding when compared either with that of the pressure to which all classes have been accustomed or with the encrease on the aggregate of the national wealth as composed of the wealth of all classes together which it must have had for its accompaniment, having had that and nothing else for its cause. 36 As it has happened, the encrease in the quantity of real wealth has been accompanied with an encrease in the quantity of money for some centuries. But this consideration is altogether an accidental one. 37 Neither, if I have been rightly informed would it be found, if we were to go back to a certain period be found a uniform or constant one, for in the history of this country there have been different periods during which prices have been upon the decrease. 38 What the encrease of real wealth really depends upon, as far as money is concerned, is the encrease in the proportion /ratio/ quantity of money employd in one way to the quantity of money employd in another way: the ratio of 38 of the quantity employd /applied/ in paying labour employed in encreasing the quantity of stock constituting the /a/ source of real wealth, to the quantity employd in paying labour employd in drawing wealth for the purposes of quick and annual consumption from those sources.
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