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1821 April 29
Needless continued
Constitution
Penal Law
Under Representative Democracy there is no such thing as a seditious libel, /-/ under the General Government of the Anglo American United States there is no such thing as a seditious libel. Charge the President of Congress, charge the Vice President, charge the Chief Justice with having taken a bribe - do this in print, circulate the print all over the United States no one of them will cause you to be punished as for a seditious libel, no one of them will have it in his power so to do: no information granted ex offices, without motion: no information granted on motion: no, nor so much as any indictment. Action civil i.e. non penal, yes, viz. as for defamation. Prove thereupon the imputation to be well grounded, in a man on whom it has been cast, /and he/ will be punished accordingly: tho' such is the effect of blind obsequiousness to a corrupt original, be the evidence ever so complete, it will have to be delivered over again in a needless and worse than useless prosecution, required by lawyercraft for the purpose. If you fail in the proof, you may be punished for the injury by the obligation of paying /being obliged to pay/ money on that account to the individual injured: and it is right you should be so if you had not before you a reasonable ground for believing the charge /imputation/ true; much more, if you are conscious of the falsity of it. In this there would be nothing but what is right: for tho' he is neither a vice-god, nor a Magnate the person in question is an individual, and an individual whom you have injured.
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Title: [1821 April 29 Constitution Penal Law]Description: 1821 April 29 Constitution Penal Law Needless Constituted Under Representative Democracy there is no such thing as a seditious libel,— under the General Government of the Anglo American United States there is no such thing as a seditious libel. Charge the President of Congress, charge the Vice President, charge the Chief Justice with having taken a bribe — do this in print, circulate the print all over the United States no one of them will cause you to be punished as for a seditious libel, no one of them will have it in his power so to do: for no such injury will any criminal prosecution lie: no information granted ex officio, without motion: no information granted a motion: no, nor so much as any indictment. Action civil i.e. non penal, yes, viz. as for defamation. Prove thereupon the imputation to be well-grounded, in a man on whom it has been cast, and he will be punished accordingly: tho' such is the effect of blind obsequiousness to a corrupt original, be the evidence ever so complete it will have to be delivered over again in a needless & worse than useless prosecution, required by lawyercraft for the purpose. If you fail in the proof, you may be punished for the injury by being obliged to pay money on that account to the individual injured: and it is right you should be so if you had not before you a reasonable ground for believing the imputation two; much more if you are conscious of the falsity of it. In this there would be nothing but what is right: for tho' he is neither a view-god, nor a Magnate. The person in question is an individual, and an individual whom you have injured.
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Title: [1821 April 29 Needless continued]Description: 1821 April 29 Needless continued Constitution Penal Law Under an absolute Monarchy, any discourse of a nature otherwise than agreeable to the Monarch, (or any of those by whom execution and effect is given to his will,) is, if uttered by word of mouth in the hearing of any other person, a seditious discourse: if committed to print or writing, a seditious libel: such of course is the character of every discourse by which intimation is given, that in this or that particular, still more if in general, the system pursued, or the conduct of those who act under it, might if different from what it is, be better than what it is - Under a limited Monarchy the case, is in these respects the same, Under a Representative Democracy suppose conspiracy not impossible - suppose it not groundless - still there could be no need of it. Under a Representative Democracy, individuals in any numbers, may in any place, at any times, meet and say and here /hear/ whatsoever, (whether in relation to the system pursued or in relation to the conduct of those who act under it), is agreeable to the respective speakers, to whatsoever degree it may be otherwise than agreeable to the hearers, or to their common rulers. Be the purpo/rt/se of what is thus said what it may, the speaking of it will not be seditious speaking: written or printed, unpublished or published, a paper in which it is contained, will not be a seditious libel. Suppose a proposition made for killing, or beating a Judge, a Governor, a President: for pulling down or plundering his house, a proposition to any such effect if followed by any correspondent endeavour will be an offence against person or property as the case may be and punishable as such: for a Judge, a Governor, a President is an individual: But in neither case would it be either true /lese/ Majesty humain[?] or /divine or human or/ so much as sedition: at any rate, if by the Legislature of any such state, the Judge, was suffered to punish it as such, it would be in humble imitation of an original, by the imitation of which on any one occasion, they ought to be covered with shame.
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Title: [1820 Oct. 8 liberticide measures 1 §. 2.]Description: 1820 Oct. 8 liberticide measures 1 §. 2. *I. Liberty of the press – destruction Now then what I say is – that by the prosecution, if it be followed by punishment, the liberty of the press, to every such purpose as that of operating as a check to misrule, is destroyed. The people of Spain – do they know that nothing of this sort could have happened in the Anglo-American United States no such punishment no such prosecution could have had place? That matter for /terms of general/ vituperation nor for defamation itself howsoever wilful /wilfully false/ as well as simply false the defamatory assertion may be can a /any/ man be punished, as for a criminal offence although the party defamed be a functionary ever so high in authority, nor in a word can any suffering under the name of punishment be inflicted? that neither for vague vituperation nor for determinate defamation itself can a man be prosecuted there as for an offence against the state? and that where the object of the offence is the highest functionary in the state, the offender can no otherwise be called to account than by an /a sort of/ action termed a civil action from which to the offender nothing worse can ensue than an /the/ obligation to pay money to the party so injured in satisfaction for the injury? that against injury from abuse of the faculty of discourse whether by speech or writing, a functionary there, be he of ever so high an order has no protection whatsoever over and above that which is afforded to every other member of the community? Do they know /Know you my friends/ that for the having given to themselves for a time this needless and mischievously exclusive protection, the rulers of that union lost the confidence of the people /their constituents/, and what in that only seat of good government is the necessary consequnce of that loss, the situations for which they were indebted to that confidence? Do they know, /Know you what I know for his son related it to me/ that for no other cause than the having headed[?] this measure of supposed security, John Adams in the service of the first President of Congress in the United States /of the illustrious Union/ that for this cause this John Adams notwithstanding all his merit was consigned to obscurity for the rest /remainder/ of his life? Know you this my friends? If not it is high time you should know it: for it is worth knowing, and I will tell it you, for it was his son that related it to me.
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