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1819 Oct. 11 +
Parl. Reform Bill.
Reasons
§.5
§.8
Art Secresy
Burdet
4
4
3. Only to bribery does this argument against the efficiency of the secret mode appear to have been regarded as having application. Efficacious or not against bribery, the efficiency of the secret mode against intimidation would stand unimpeached /unquestioned/ and unimpeachable /unquestionable/.
{3}. The number of seats filled by bribery alone bears but a small proportion to the number of seats filled by bribery and intimidation /{corruption in other shapes}/ taken together. How so ever far from being of itself adequate to the exclusion of bribery, secresy of suffrage is compleatly adequate to the exclusion of effective intimidation. For the purpose what makes it the more needful is – that against sinister influence in this shape it is not only a necessary defence, but the only one. The multitude of the persons that requiring to be influenced is, in proportion to the number, a check, and may easily be made an effectual bar to the procurement of votes by bribery. But can neither be a bar, nor so much as a check to the procurement of votes by intimidation.
{4}. In the wording of this argument against the secret mode, advantage was taken of a degree of obscurity in which /which hangs over/ the import of the word interest, familiar as it is, and on that account unavoidably employed, may be seen to be involved. The word happiness the import of it not being involved in any such obscurity would on that account have been more eligible. But on one account, not to mention others, happiness would have presented itself as not properly applicable to the present case. It is never employed but when the article in question /designated by it/ is considered as having place in a large quantity, and being either entirely free from all admixtures of all unhappiness and thereby all pain, or upon casting up the two sides of the account, exhibiting a large remainder on that side. Interest on the other hand is employed with equal facility be the quantity ever so large or ever so small.
Interest
Similar Items
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Title: [1819 Oct. 9 Parl. Reform Bill]Description: 1819 Oct. 9 Parl. Reform Bill Art. Secresy IV. Insincerity 14 2 Member unworthy {They keep up the appearance of insincerity, for the sake of charging[?] against it?} Of the open mode insincerity – and to an unmeasurable extent is a sure /necessary/ concomitant, or rather effect. 1. On the part of the Elector It has place exactly in so far as taken together, intimidation and corruption have place and take effect. It has place in so far as the wishes expressed by the vote is different either from the real wish or in case of corruption from that which but for the influence of the corruption would have been the real wish. 2. On the part of the Candidate and his friends. Never is any address or application made by or on behalf of a candidate, but intimation is given but the fact is assumed[?] assumed[?] without exception or limitation that of all Electors who vote in his favour the wishes are in the most exact unison with their votes. So far as bribery is the instrument employed so far the briber is certain that what he thus says is not true: the proof is the giving of the bribe: for if the wish were already what the vote declares it to be, no use would there be in the bribe.
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Title: [1819 May 30 Disfranchising or Defence]Description: 1819 May 30 Disfranchising or Defence of Ballot Ballot note 1. Bribery 4 What must be acknowledged is, that even under the ballot, one circumstance there is by which the efficiency of it in the character of a preservative against bribery would be limited by this circumstance. The bribe might be so ordered, as not to be received but in case of Candidate on whose behalf for whose support it was given were returned. Under these circumstances, the efficiency of corruption in this form would naturally be, other circumstances equal in proportion to the smalness of the number of the Electors {by whose votes the choice were determined.} Suppose the number to a certain degree small, the bribe might be so large, that though the receipt of it were made dependent on this contingency, the nature of the contingency would not to such a degree diminish the value of the bribe, as to prevent the acceptance of it. Suppose the number to a certain degree large, the disrepute and danger remaining the same, and the time during which the secret /bargain/ might transpire being thus protracted the uncertainty of the benefit might in the eyes of the Elected render the bargain upon the whole an ineligible one But this cause of inefficiency applies only to the present system, and under the present system only to such boroughs as are close, or want not much of being so. In the case of Electoral districts of such amplitude as under radical reform all such districts would be, it would have little application: none at all under that shortlivedness by which in virtue of another feature of radical reform, the marketable value of seats could be so effectually reduced.
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Title: [1819 June 19 To Erskine ult]Description: 1819 June 19 To Erskine ult o Lett. 7. Whigs AntiReformists § 2. Pos. I. Desire impossible Number of self-sacrifices? 6 3 But then this number 204 is it to /can it with truth/ be looked upon as the number of the seats in the instance /case/ of which a reform giving the faculty of filling them to the people at large would not be /have been/ regarded by the existing occupants as an arrangement having /the/ for its probable effect the depriving them of those seats? No: out of the 204 persons so circumstanced perhaps not a third perhaps not a fourth, perhaps not a fifth would in the event of such a charge regarded themselves as not in the way in question prejudiced /made sufferers/ by it. For in this number are included all those which though in the list in question are not spoken of as being filled by influence were not in fact /truth/ no less filled by influence; to wit partly by money employed in trucking[?] and fetching up distant voters, and thence by competition-excluding terrorism, partly by intimidation of voters, and thence by vote-compelling terrorism. In those case was all the County seats but the /17/ very few to wit 17, mentioned in that text: in that all but the 61 borough seats mentioned in M r Oldfields work as being open to competition in respect of the largeness of the numbers of the voters, which numbers he accordingly gives: and among these there are those (Barnstaple for example) which have since been proved to be seats of close boroughs, closed against candidates at large and opened only to purchasing Candidates by the golden key of bribery. It is in this state of things that for the purpose /in the view/ of persuading us to believe on the part of Your Lordship the wish and at the same time the expectation of reconciling /of seeing reconciled/ to the idea of an efficient change a number of proprietors and occupiers of seats sufficient to produce it /for the production/, gives it to them as Your Lordships conviction p. 28 that a “very considerable extension of the system of representation would produce less change in the returns of Members than is generally imagined.” But by the sort of comfort thus administered so much as a single convert to reform in any efficient shape will ever be made or was ever expected to be made, is more than if I strained ever so, it would be in my power to make myself believe. ‡
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