1819 July 26 +

To Erskine

Lett. 5. E.’s Reform

§.3. E’s earnests pernicious

1

1

§. | | Proposed disfranchisements and transferences of seats, bad in themselves and bad as earnests.

On the subject of this plan of partial and gradual disfranchisement, and transference of seats taken by itself /considered in itself/, I shall not attempt to detain your Lordship much longer: these letters being intended to be almost immediately followed by a little work in which that plan /measure/ will be particularly if not exclusively considered: /at present/ all I shall do at present is to state the positions, of which in so far as it is /they are/ not in my former work, the proofs will I hope be found in it.

1. In so far as the disfranchising system is proceeded with /made to take place/, the seats taken from the existing boroughs will be given either to the[?] contiguous Country Districts, or else to populous and at present unrepresented towns.

2. In so far as the transference is made to Country Districts, the change is more likely to be productive of difference than service to the universal interest: the class of men into whose hands the seats will then be thrown viz. the great landholders partly Peers and partly Country Gentlemen being /naturally/ in all those points of appropriate aptitude naturally under the present system of representation naturally and generally inferior to those by whom the seats in question are at present filled: meaning by appropriate aptitude {– meaning thereby} here as elsewhere appropriate probity, appropriate intellectual aptitude, and appropriate active talent.

N.B. In this it is assumed that the Election would in every instance be in the open mode as at present, and not in the secret mode namely by ballot

3. Of the transference of the seats to populous towns there seems little probability. But even supposing this plan adopted, I see more harm /evil/ than good in it. A pecuniary qualification would of course be made requisite: and at whatever sum it were placed, and whether any such qualification were appointed or no, the voter would for want of secresy, be placed at the command of those, whose interest is more or less likely to be in a state of opposition to the universal interest, though not so decidedly so as in the other case.
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    Remains the /any/ plan, according to which the seats of the extinguished boroughs would be transferred /transference would be made/ to the as yet unrepresented populous towns. Of this, untill the qualification required, and thence the numbers and condition and numbers of the voters be /Electors are/ determined no very /sufficiently/ precise conception can be formed of it, nor therefore any sufficiently precise judgment pronounced in relation to it. What is more, so extreme it should seem is the improbability of its being adopted, that the time and space necessary for the /any full/ examination of it can scarcely hope for payment.

    Inadequacy is an objection /a character/ which applies to it in equal degree with the other mode of transference. But be the measure what it will long as any real quantity of good be it ever so minute will be done by a measure, inadequacy can never form a valid ground of objection to it.

    {If the effect of it be to seat in the House any one /though it were no more than a single/ Member whose interest and correspondent assistance are on the side of the universal interest, here is so much good.}

    Supposing the effect of it to add, though it were no more than one, to the number of Members whose interest and corresponding /correspondent/ affections are in /on the side of/ unison with the universal interest, here will be so much gained /good/. But whether it does so may depend upon the qualification required, in addition to local circumstances: its usefulness will depend upon the qualification required, because ballot being supposed out of the question it will depend upon the proportion between those /the free/ votes that such votes as are free and such as are as are not so as are engaged by sinister influence

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    But now on the other hand suppose that instead of being transferred to populous towns the seats are transferred to Country Districts, things in other respects continuing on the same footing as at present. What will be the consequence? Instead of opulent men of all /those of opulent or well connected or educated/ classes as it might happen, the hands these seats would pass into would be the hands of Country Gentlemen: Peers included: men who, as compared with opulent and well connected or educated men of other classes put together are in respect of all the several elements of appropriate aptitude taken together, in a peculiar degree, and for the reasons so often given, likely to be, not to say sure to be, in a high degree, and to a practically mischievous effect deficient.

    ☞ Subjoin here or draw up and insert elsewhere a statement of the particulars in respect of which the interest of Country Gentlemen Peers included is more decidedly adverse than that of other persons at large of equal opulence, viz

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    2. Looking to Peerage, advancement in d o and Baronetage

    3. Indolence thence None attendance as compared with men of business

    4. Ignorance, the result of high education, fox hunting &c. Intellectual aptitude and active talent.

    5. Habitual insolence by lording it over tenantry.

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  • Title: [1819 July 31 Defence of Ballot &c]
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    pauperism or in contemplation/under any apprehension/ of becoming so would of course be subject on this as on other points be subjected: to the dominion of their respective employers, whether Magistrates or not would be subjected the votes of all such Electors as were respectively dependent for their employment, on such persons as at the time were their employers.

    Universal suffrage however is indeed a principle which one may be perfectly assured would not even on so small and inefficient /inadequate/ a scale be adopted. Still however {the number of} those to whose votes while given in the open mode a direction adverse to the universal interest would be given either by sinister interest or by misjudgment would be but too likely to be in such numbers as to determine the Election: and suppose this the case, though in this shape no evil so neither would any good be produced by the transference. On the other side of the account of profit and loss would stand the collateral Election evils: consisting in this case chiefly in the danger of violence and injury to person and property: but these may be considered as sufficiently counteracted by the additional opportunities of appropriate instruction afforded to the lower orders.

    If the effect of it were in any degree to operate in the character of an obstacle to radical and /or other/ efficient reform, here would be a serious evil attached to it. But no evil in this shape presents itself as attached to it. Yes, if of the Members elected upon this partial plan the seats would be endangered by a plan of all-comprehensive reform. But this would not be the case: for upon the plan of radical and all-comprehensive reform the number of seats belonging to the most populous towns would not be less than upon the plan here in question but greater.