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Marg ls revised 1819 June 7 + + ┴
To Erskine
ult o
Lett. 7. E. AntiReformist
§ 7.5. Petitions rely on
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42
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To a man ever so little acquainted with parliamentary language, few tasks surely could be easier than that of laying over the inward sentiment, be it what it may, an outward covering of the opposite hue. So long as there remains any such thing as a King’s Speech neither a justification, nor a model can ever be wanting for such a work.
In the course of the debate on the Parliamentary Reform Resolutions, which, from a draught of mine, after such amendments as had been deemed expedient, Sir Francis Burdet did me the honour to propose to Honourable House, – of which Resolutions the basis was composed of the declaration made for these last three hundred years by the Monarchs of this country that the universal interest of the people was the object of their most anxious care – in the course of this Debate it was insisted that, Kings being the sort of persons by whom those things were said, they meant nothing, and ought not to be taken for true: at any rate to this or any other practical purpose. Such was the ground, on which It was the Resolutions were negatived: and, so palpable (it was intimated) was the falsity of all such declarations, that by my learned and Honourable friend M r Bingham, my Honourable friend Sir Francis as well as his obscure and unhonourable draughtsman were in the warmth of his eloquence, pointed to as if labouring under a sort of infantine weakness, as betrayed by the weakness of supposing, that any thing better than transparent hypocrisy had place in those most high and solemn of all high and solemn parliamentary declarations. Had it been such as could have stuck upon me, could I have been seriously suspected of having, at this time of life any the smallest tendency to regard them in any other light than that in which the Honourable House, following as above the lead set to it by my Honourable friend, testified its receiving them any such imputation would indeed have sufficed to call the blood into my cheeks.
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Title: [1818 Dec 5 Parl Reform Bill]Description: 1818 Dec 5 Parl Reform Bill 1819 Sept 3. Postpone Marginal[?] contracting[?] till Bill is finished Note Beginning[?] '. 1 1 3 J.B. as[?] Brougham '. or Note. Ridicule cast by Brougham on J.B.'s Parl. Reform Resolution as moved by Burdett June 1818. Note. On the of 1818 in the shape /character/ of a preparative to a proposed Bill containing a /such as the present/ plan of Parliamentary Reform, Sir Francis Burdett, moved in the House of Commons a string of resolutions. Of these Resolutions the object was to shew that by the several Monarchs of this nation, the good /happiness/ of the whole body of the people - and that in preference to their own had been recognized - recognized in rational[?] form as the only legitimate /justifiable/ end of government - and professed and declared to be the only end which they in the government exercised by them ever had in view, and that a system of free and frequently recurring Election of their Representatives in the Common House - an Election performed on the principle of virtually universal suffrage had moreover been recognized by them as the means and only means conducive to that end. In the character of a preparative to a proposed Bill such as the present, those Resolutions as in that Assembly was understood and even declared had been drawn by the author of the present writing[?] /draught/. By another Honourable Gentleman /Member/, Mr /Lord/ Brougham who stood up next after the Honourable Baronet, the Resolutions were represented as just /proper/ objects of just scorn and derision, {and the production of them was at the same time ascribed to a want of knowledge of the world on the part of the individual by whom they had been penned.
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Title: [Marg ls revised 1819 Apr. 10 + § 2 6]Description: Marg ls revised 1819 Apr. 10 + § 2 6 To Erskine ult o Lett. 6. E. AntiReformist § 7. 5. Petitions Rely on 3 1 36 1 In my eyes vice does not become virtue by being cloathed in power ☞ Employ the language used by E. in speaking of its corruptions &c Remains now the other branch of the condition: reliance on the only remaining one of the two modes of commencement which the change is to be allowed to have: viz. respectful petitions of the people”. Now to this mode of commencement, so it be but allowed /capable to have place/, I for my part have not any the smallest objection: no nor, on a little consideration I dare venture to say, any one else who on the subject of parliamentary reform thinks with me. Respect indeed? respect for a body of men so constituted? respect meaning the inward sentiment? Oh yes for some of them, on my part at least there would be no difficulty. But by the House on this as on every occasion must be meant the majority of the House. But the /Now /And/ this/ majority to what are they indebted for their seats? to the “free spontaneous” to use your Lordship’s words to the “free spontaneous” suffrages of the people, whose /those[?] on whose free/ choice depends the only title which in words they can respectively and individually pretend to? Alas! The contrary is not only is matter of notoriety but has been rendered so by those inquiries labours and disclosures by which the cause of the people has been so richly benefited and for which in happier times the people were /became/ indebted to those parliamentary Whigs who did not then disdain to call themselves the friends of the people or to act as if they had been, M r Erskine and M r Gray then of the number, as well as M r Fox and so many other Whig workers now no more.
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Title: [1819 May 11 To Erskine ult]Description: 1819 May 11 To Erskine ult o Lett 6. Whig Anti Reform Barnstaple Debate 10 May 1814 2 The cup of that Circe – the flesh-pots of that Egypt. What is become of Sir Francis Burdett. Why was he not there to bring all those same opinions which have been declared to be his &c H. of Commons Debate on the Barnstaple Disfranchising Bill 10 May 1819. Morn g Chron 11 May. The worthy Alderman Washbourne[?] has no confidence in the rabble: his confidence in respectable men seems to be entire: and by respectable men he means rich ones. The seat of my confidence is the reverse. My confidence bestows itself preferably on the rabble. On any constitutional question I should have beyond comparison more confidence in 658 men taken by lot from the rabble of Westminster than in the 658 men that compose the population of the Honourable House. My reason is a very simple one: the rabble are out of the reach of every particular interest distinct from and opposite to the universal interest: the 658 Honourable Gentlemen those who are still more Honourable than Honourable Gentlemen included are every one of them within the ashes /hottest fire/ of their particular interests – the greater part of them acting notoriously in subjection to it.
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