date

1819 June 7 + To Erskine Lett
1819 June 7 +

To Erskine

Lett. 6. E. Anti Reformist

§ 7.5. Petitions rely on

3

44

3

As to the insinuation, it was no more than what, considering the side he had taken was absolutely necessary should be conveyed: my learned and Honourable friend neither himself thought /thinking/ thus meanly of us, nor having any apprehension that any body else would. “And on this occasion prudence was not less conspicuous than benevolence; for, as we are informed by the Editor of this speech of his (Hansard June 2 d 1818) not all the wishes which were so “generally expressed” could prevail upon him to enable the Editor “to print a corrected account of it.”

Be this as it may, this is one of the thousand and one precedents, the consideration of any one of which would suffice to exempt altogether from the charge of insincerity any expression of respect, how profound so ever, that might be observable in any petition which it might happen to me or any one, to have drawn for presentation in Honourable House. No one who knew any thing of me would be so unjust as to suppose, that in any respect which it happened to me to express as towards Honourable House, so constituted as at present, I meant what I said any more, than, in what they had said of their regard for the interests of the people any of our Monarchs – Kings, Queens and Princes – meant what they said.

As of Common Law, so of Parliamentary law – as of that branch of ex-post-facto law which is made by men really appointed by the King, so of that other branch which is made by men falsely said to be appointed by the people – it is an uncontrovertable maxim – that every thing that is done must have some falshood for its ground. Nor can any ground be more convenient: for thus it is, that every thing which it is expedient should be done, may at all times be done, according to existing circumstances: since, with whatsoever case that which is false may by learned men with their practical minds be taken for true, it may upon every proper occasion, by the same practical minds, and with still less difficulty, be taken for what it is.

“To Kings’ example all the world is fashioned” – says I forget what Latin poet with not more rhythm than reason not less reason than rhythm.
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  • Title: [Marg ls revised 1819 June 7 + + ┴]
    Description: Marg ls revised 1819 June 7 + + ┴

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    To a man ever so little acquainted with parliamentary language, few tasks surely could be easier than that of laying over the inward sentiment, be it what it may, an outward covering of the opposite hue. So long as there remains any such thing as a King’s Speech neither a justification, nor a model can ever be wanting for such a work.

    In the course of the debate on the Parliamentary Reform Resolutions, which, from a draught of mine, after such amendments as had been deemed expedient, Sir Francis Burdet did me the honour to propose to Honourable House, – of which Resolutions the basis was composed of the declaration made for these last three hundred years by the Monarchs of this country that the universal interest of the people was the object of their most anxious care – in the course of this Debate it was insisted that, Kings being the sort of persons by whom those things were said, they meant nothing, and ought not to be taken for true: at any rate to this or any other practical purpose. Such was the ground, on which It was the Resolutions were negatived: and, so palpable (it was intimated) was the falsity of all such declarations, that by my learned and Honourable friend M r Bingham, my Honourable friend Sir Francis as well as his obscure and unhonourable draughtsman were in the warmth of his eloquence, pointed to as if labouring under a sort of infantine weakness, as betrayed by the weakness of supposing, that any thing better than transparent hypocrisy had place in those most high and solemn of all high and solemn parliamentary declarations. Had it been such as could have stuck upon me, could I have been seriously suspected of having, at this time of life any the smallest tendency to regard them in any other light than that in which the Honourable House, following as above the lead set to it by my Honourable friend, testified its receiving them any such imputation would indeed have sufficed to call the blood into my cheeks.
  • Title: [1819 June 7 To Erskine Lett]
    Description: 1819 June 7

    To Erskine

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    And thus it is that, this being in Honourable and Right Honourable minds no longer any between truth and falshood – falshood being taken for truth and for falshood at the same time – thus it is that there being no distinction between sincerity and insincerity, and sincerity being thus successfully and compleatly banished, insincerity is banished along with it. But, with the distinction between truth and falshood, another distinction, in other places so troublesome – the distinction between right and wrong has moreover been got rid of. On each occasion and that alone that is right which on that same occasion it is convenient to Honourable and Right Honourable men – not to speak of gracious Majesties – should be done: that is wrong, which, to the same uncontroulable arbiters of our human destiny it is convenient should not be done, or if done punished.

    And this is one of the features by which our matchless constitution stands distinguished from all others: from all others that were ever seen or thought of: for, under any other government, whatsoever else there may be, assuredly in no other is any such all pervading, and all-inspiring system of falshood to be found.

    In the eyes of learned gentlemen and reverend Judges it it is impossible that justice should, for so much as a single day (and in the same learned and reverend eyes, all the days in a term[?] are but one day) – be administered without falshood: in the eyes of Honourable and Right Honourable Gentlemen and Noble and Learned Lords it is no less impossible that the body politic should for a month /a lawyer’s day/ together be continued in the exercise of its functions without falshood, than in the eyes of learned physicians it is that, for the length of time, the body natural should be kept in the exercise of its functions without nourishment /food/.
  • Title: [1819 July 10 To Erskine Lett]
    Description: 1819 July 10

    To Erskine

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    No indecent animadversions!

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    ☞ Quere has not this topic been handled elsewhere already?

    On this occasion, it is some satisfaction, though unhappily assuredly not of the most cheering kind to learn from the pen Lord Erskine from the Whig head of the law, even in his matured years what are his affections towards that guardian of all other liberties, the liberty of the press.

    Speaking of Parliament, The state of things which his eloquence employs itself in representing as preeminently desirable [+] is that /one/ in which “no impunity” ... is to be expected for any indecent animadversions upon its character and conduct” so that, by some tribunal /judicatory/ or another – it is not stated what, but must of course have been meant if any thing were meant, a /some/ judicatory possessing adequate powers, by some person or persons punishment, and that of course adequate to the purpose of effectual prevention should on so easy a condition as the pronouncing the word indecent be applied to every person making animadversions upon the character and conduct of parliament.

    That supposing the Utopia thus described created, I who write this /whose audacity here uttered/ should among the rest of the lower-orders alias swinish multitude be swept off for punishment follows of course: as does likewise the extirpation of all the existing vermin that make their appearance /infest in the shape of newspapers/ that annoy Honourable and Right Honourable eyes in the shape of Newspapers, and the planting in the room of them those of the pure Continental breed, to which we are indebted for such correct and punctual information relative to the locomotion of Kings and those whom each majesty delighteth to honour. In all this there would be nothing worth a thought. But Lord Erskine? how would it fare with Lord Erskine? As above observed Here and there has it not happened to him to say to speak (p. 27) not only of imperfections but of abuses as being in existence – of the removal of them as an operation, a motive for which is rather to be wished than expected ? of the dignity of Parliament (p. 28) as a quality already so effectually gone, that of the recovery of it the very hope may appear visionary or delirious.

    Not

    [+] p. 32