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1820. Octr 18 Spanish liberticide measures 11 Letter 2. Public Discussion 11
Mr Gorelli makes no distinction. He will neither have excitation nor
instruction: wherever he sees free discussion there he sees an enemy.
Had the provision /his means of safety/ been temporary, some excuse might have
made of it: but so far as words go it is everlasting. In one single town A
danger whatever may have been amount of it had place for a few days: no actual
mischief, as far I can understand, was the result of it. If so The mischief was
after all but ideal. For remedy against a danger thus blown over – for this it
is that Mr Goreli organizes a danger designed to last as long as the
Constitution lasts, and designed for I can not see what less is designed to
destroy it.
A guard – a military guard – under the command of the President of the Cortes
for the time being – had this been his means of safety – necessary or not
necessary – I should have seen no danger in it. On the particular occasion in
question, one regiment, the regiment of | | offered (I see it said) its
services. Let these services be accepted and as above perpetual. I have no fear
from them. Neither the Nation /people/, nor the King with all the remaining
/other/ regiments, regulars and militia likewise, could have much to fear from
this one regiment under such command, nor from many such regiments put together.
Here then would be certain and everlasting force, provided against imagined and
apprehended force, and that but contingent and should it have place, but
momentary. Would not be sufficient.
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Title: [1820 Oct. 19 liberticide 1 19 Public discussion]Description: 1820 Oct. 19 liberticide 1 19 Public discussion 19 Preferable expedients Against the danger in question many are the securities that might be proposed /I could propose/ each of them if needful sufficeient, each of them less mischievous than those of Mr Gorelli’s: no one of them such as I should expect to find necessary. I will enumerate them in their order, beginning with most apposite and least mischievous. 1. The first I should propose is the allotting to the Cortes a permanent and adequate Military guard under the command of the President. 2. The next is a prohibition of secresy as applied to any of the acts or meetings of free political societies. Lord Castlereagh at the instance of his Ambassador at Madrid could furnish Mr Goreli with apt and tried arrangements for this purpose. 3. A general and compleat disarming of the people: with the exception of such of them as it pleases Mr Goreli to indulge with the use of arms. For this purpose likewise he could much instruction as well as countenance might be obtained from the English government: especially as applied to Ireland. The first of these measures may, as it appears to me not only /merely/ innoxious but even useful. And for protection /security/ in this shape the Cortes can not be at any loss: around them stands the regiment of | | by which for this purpose the service of that regiment has it seems been already offered. True it is that by this instrument to no authority or body in the country but the Cortes nor to any /and to no/ place but the capital in which it sits does the protection in question apply itself. But to keep a guard in contact with every body of men to which and to every house to which and to every individual to whom it might happen to be the object of disaffection from this source or to /with/ every individual breast to which it might happen to become the seat of that unpleasant sensation would require more expence than can easily be afforded.
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Title: [1820 Octr. 19 Spanish liberticide measures]Description: 1820 Octr. 19 Spanish liberticide measures 17 Letter 2. Public Discussion 17 Mr Goreli makes no distinctions: at one crush he suppresses and for ever all free meetings of the people howsoever modified. Mr Goreli acts consistently – the government his endeavours are employed to organize and support is a despotic one: he will have no eventual faculty of resistance no possibility of resistance to misrule be it ever so consummate no relief to misery from misrule be it ever so excruciating: he will have no free communication of ideas on political subjects he will have no instruction no excitation no concert between man and man any where for any such purpose. Mr Goreli acts consistently; consistently with his principles in regard to government: whether with any that he avows I know not: assuredly with the principles he acts upon: assuredly consistently with the attainment of the object towards which this measure of his tends, the establishment of despotism: principles directly the reverse /the direct reverse/ of those which the Constitutional Code has set up, and to the giving effect to which the system of representation ordained by it is directed. Mr Goreli has not yet proposed a law abolishing the whole system of Election meetings. He need not: should this proposed law of his be established and be productive of its declaredly intended effect, they will be of no use to the people of whom those meetings if held will be composed, and whose interests they were intended to support and serve: in those meetings there will be neither excitation nor instruction: and to the production of any good effect both are necessary: at the meeting itself there will be no time for any thing like adequate instruction: indeed by the Constitutional Code itself (Article | |) all such use of the time appointed for Election is prohibited: at the time of such meeting there can not be any such instruction: and it is Mr Goreli’s care that there shall not be any at any other time.
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Title: [1820 Oct. 10 Spanish liberticide measures]Description: 1820 Oct. 10 Spanish liberticide measures Conclusion 1. Gorelli. or Conclusion Gorelli & Torreno ‘I know’ (says Mr Gorelli /he/) that these associations owe their origin to a laudable abject and that to them though illegal we owe the acquisition of the good we enjoy. But the means that have been employed to acquire far from being conducive to its preservation would be the great obstacle to its consolidation.’ Thus says Mr Goreli and thereupon it is that he treats as criminals those who have made him what he is. Thus it is that he treats them and for the very thing for which he had worshipped them. Thus it is that after having mounted the ladder, he kicks it down and prepares to burn it. Free enquiry /discussion/ so long as it is employed on our side /for our interest/ is a good thing – the instant it is employed against our interest it is a bad thing: and we will destroy it. Right becomes wrong when against us: wrong becomes right when for us. This is the Honourable Gentleman’s morality: this then his logic. In Morocco In Spain in England in Morocco, among the Persas in the Cortes /in the logic of a Persa/ in the mouth /logic/ of a Member of the Cortes in the logic of rulers every where but in the Anglo-American United States the definition of the liberty of speech is the same the distinction between liberty and licentiousness is the same. Liberty consists in /is exercised by/ doing every thing we like: licentiousness is manifested by doing any thing we /I/ do not like. We will tolerate every thing that is said in praise of us: we will punish as far as is in our power for every thing that is said in dispraise of. We will not only allow it; but if we think it worth the money we will pay for it at the public expence. All comes to this so long as a man does /says/ nothing but what they like he will be allowed to do it: as far as he does any thing do not like he will be punished. Such are the principles avowed and acted upon by Mr Gorelli: and such I grieve to say it are the principles avowed and acted upon by Count Torreno. Such were the principles avowed and acted upon by the Persas: such were the principles avowed and acted upon by the Inquisitions.These liberalists if such they are, can no more endure any thing should be said against them, than the Serviles.
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