1
results found in
57 ms
Page 1
of 1
1820. Octr. 12 Spanish liberticide measures. 15 §. 2. I. Press violation
Reasons against libel laws
4. If such things were allowed, no honest no honourable no honest man no man who
had any regard for his honour for his reputation, would be found to take upon
himself any such situation: and the consequence is that all such situations
would fall into the hands of men who had neither honour nor honesty, and thus
the country would be involved in certain and compleat destruction. So says the
argument
But of all this the contrary has been shewn already. Honest or dishonest,
honourable or dishonourable, every man will be ready to take upon himself any
/and to continue to occupy and to maintain himself a/ situation the evil of
which is outweighed by the good. In England to a vast extent so prodigious is
this preponderance, that to obtain these situations there is nothing so
dishonourable that to obtain them men of all ranks from the highest to the
lowest are not ready and eager to do, and do accordingly and are not the less
stiled not only honest but honourable. Falshood solemn and deliberate falshood
has been shewn to be a necessary step, perjury – perjury acknowledged by
themselves to be such a commonly employed step /among the most frequent steps/
to the most richly endowed, the most powerful and most highly dignified
situations in the Ecclesiastical and self-stiled religious establishment. In
England no situation is in want of candidates: numerous and eager candidates: of
whom in the instance of each such situation one /in each vacancy/ is succesful
and when thus admitted ask any one of them, whether with a few accidental
exceptions, of which his case does not form one, they are not, all of them
honest and honourable. But in England though no such things as the things in
question have ever been allowed allowed by law, yet such in that part of the law
is the happy and useful weakness, so happily applied in that instance is the
anarchy or the mixture of anarchy and tyranny of which so large a portion of the
whole mass of law in that country is composed that the reputations of men in
office are little less exposed to the sort of impuations of the sort in question
than if they were allowed: and accordingly, and in the highest and most richly
endowed and most powerful situations men may be seen wallowing and triumphing in
profligacy, […?] in infamy, and yet as fondly attached to and as firmly fixt in
their respective situations as if virtue in them were consummate.
Commanders of torture spectators of torture encouragers and promoters of torture
by refusing to hear and preventing the disclosure of it
Commanders of the murder of the innocent rewarders of the murder of the innocent,
commanders of torture, spectators of torture, forgers /fabricators/ of rules of
pretended law to justify the murder of the innocent
Similar Items
-
Title: [1818 Sept. 7 Parl. Reform Bill]Description: 1818 Sept. 7 Parl. Reform Bill Reasons ult o '.2. Electors Who Universality Universities 28 3 Great indeed would be the advantage of this instrument for blinding the eye /eyes/ /keeping the eyes of the mind closed/ which one half of the field of government is /has/ before it /them/ could be applied to the other half: if the most opulent and richly instructed and influential portion of the rising generation could be made to subscribe to /temporal/ articles of temporal faith: to articles asserting the existence of monarchy, hereditary aristocracy, and of a mock representative democracy, held in subjection to the monarchy through the aristocracy, to be necessary to good government. Still greater would be the convenience, if by torture administered by a body of inquisitors, all men could be compelled upon oath to declare what on all these /the/ several points in question were /are/ their opinions, under a law according to which, in regard to every point in which the opinions entertained were different from the opinions presented, the option would be given of either incurring the guilt of perjury, or expiring under the torture of fire. Unfortunately the time /days/ in which the security for /opportunities[?] under[?] favour of/ spiritual orthodoxy might have been extended to temporal orthodoxy were suffered to pass away unimproved.
-
Title: [27 May 1808 8 - The case is - that]Description: 27 May 1808 8 - The case is - that under in this state of things it is in the power of any single individual in the station of Juryman to command a verdict, and there to the conviction of all harbour a false one, thus by the voluntary perjury of one, forcing producing the involuntary perjury eleven others to perjure themselves. How then is a receipt, nor that one unobvious one by which any man party who either already proffesses or can continue manages so as to gain a single individual to seek a proper a single individual out of twelve jurymen, may command the verdict. To its other properties this inessential function of the institution adds therefore that of being an incentive encouragement to corruption, and that of the most powerful kind. A story which current upon this occasion, and the design of which when related has commonly been that of recommending these factors to public favor in the character of a security to the innocent Englishmen's lives, an institution arrangement of the most nation friendly and conducive to the ends of justice, may in this reason true or false, serve the purpose of illustration. A man is indicted for murder. He is innocent, but by a regular concurrence of circumstances, the evidence, being chiefly of the circumstantial kind bears is known to bear strong against him. By the force influence of the known circumstances The real author of the death is screened from . This concurrence tortures him. One death howsoever produced, sat heavy on it: and now the death of another person, altogether innocent, and with whom he himself had had no quarrel, is about to be added to the load. What (says he to himself) shall I do to save him? - I have hit upon it. &
-
Title: [14 Dec 1801 Maximum 1]Description: 14 Dec 1801 Maximum 1 A maximum law would be in possession of one good property at least – it would have the affections of the great body of the people for its support: all eyes would be open to any violation of the law: all tongues ready to convey /communicate/ intelligence of it Could the law but be so adjusted as to give an compleat indemnity, though it were but a bare /mere/ indemnity for the necessary expence of prosecution, reward over and above such indemnity would be scarcely necessary to the engaging men to stand forth /lend their assistance/ in the capacity of prosecutors and informers. This would be no inconsiderable advantage. The ignominy /infamy/ /reproach/ which vulgar /unthinking/ minds that /which/ is most minds, are so eager to fix upon the character of him who lends his services to the public in the character of an informer, would with at least equal reason be heaped upon him who lends his services to the same law in the character of judge. If the being paid /receiving payment/ for this service were a just cause of infamy, the judge should be the more infamous of the two, as being the best paid as receiving the highest price. That because a man will tell /speak the/ truth for a given sum, he will speak falshood, he will committ perjury, and by so doing heap /that sort of perjury by which/ punishment /is made to fall/ upon the head of the innocent – for the same sum, is a proposition as absurd in a logical view as it is in a moral view it is scandalous and injurious. Perjury for saving of the Guilty is but too abundant: of perjury for the condemnation of the innocent, a fair example would scarcely to be found. The informer is never in fault – never deserves otherwise than well of his country howsoever the legislator his employer may deserve ill of it. Yet among men in other respects
1
results found.
Page 1
of 1