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1820 Oct. 19 liberticide 1 19 Public discussion 19 Preferable expedients
Against the danger in question many are the securities that might be proposed /I
could propose/ each of them if needful sufficeient, each of them less
mischievous than those of Mr Gorelli’s: no one of them such as I should expect
to find necessary. I will enumerate them in their order, beginning with most
apposite and least mischievous.
1. The first I should propose is the allotting to the Cortes a permanent and
adequate Military guard under the command of the President. 2. The next is a
prohibition of secresy as applied to any of the acts or meetings of free
political societies. Lord Castlereagh at the instance of his Ambassador at
Madrid could furnish Mr Goreli with apt and tried arrangements for this purpose.
3. A general and compleat disarming of the people: with the exception of such of
them as it pleases Mr Goreli to indulge with the use of arms. For this purpose
likewise he could much instruction as well as countenance might be obtained from
the English government: especially as applied to Ireland.
The first of these measures may, as it appears to me not only /merely/ innoxious
but even useful. And for protection /security/ in this shape the Cortes can not
be at any loss: around them stands the regiment of | | by which for this purpose
the service of that regiment has it seems been already offered.
True it is that by this instrument to no authority or body in the country but
the Cortes nor to any /and to no/ place but the capital in which it sits does
the protection in question apply itself. But to keep a guard in contact with
every body of men to which and to every house to which and to every individual
to whom it might happen to be the object of disaffection from this source or to
/with/ every individual breast to which it might happen to become the seat of
that unpleasant sensation would require more expence than can easily be
afforded.
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Title: [1820. Octr 18 Spanish liberticide measures]Description: 1820. Octr 18 Spanish liberticide measures 11 Letter 2. Public Discussion 11 Mr Gorelli makes no distinction. He will neither have excitation nor instruction: wherever he sees free discussion there he sees an enemy. Had the provision /his means of safety/ been temporary, some excuse might have made of it: but so far as words go it is everlasting. In one single town A danger whatever may have been amount of it had place for a few days: no actual mischief, as far I can understand, was the result of it. If so The mischief was after all but ideal. For remedy against a danger thus blown over – for this it is that Mr Goreli organizes a danger designed to last as long as the Constitution lasts, and designed for I can not see what less is designed to destroy it. A guard – a military guard – under the command of the President of the Cortes for the time being – had this been his means of safety – necessary or not necessary – I should have seen no danger in it. On the particular occasion in question, one regiment, the regiment of | | offered (I see it said) its services. Let these services be accepted and as above perpetual. I have no fear from them. Neither the Nation /people/, nor the King with all the remaining /other/ regiments, regulars and militia likewise, could have much to fear from this one regiment under such command, nor from many such regiments put together. Here then would be certain and everlasting force, provided against imagined and apprehended force, and that but contingent and should it have place, but momentary. Would not be sufficient.
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Title: [1820 Oct. 11 liberticide 1 2. Letter 3. Public]Description: 1820 Oct. 11 liberticide 1 2. Letter 3. Public discussion 2. Meeting prevention 1. […?] 2. Goreli 3. Torreno Thus – Unless that which I see before me be a forgery or a mistranslation – and rejoiced I should be to find it the one or the other – thus says the proposed Law. Being a proposed law, it has spoken for itself; and so it has for the proposer of it. But in company with it, I see certain discourses, given in the character of speeches, or extracts from speeches, spoken on the occasion, speeches containing arguments employed in the character of reasons to promote the adoption of it, and recommend it to the appropriation of the Cortes, and of the people. With these alledged speeches or rather abridged substitute to speeches I shall speak without difficulty and without restraint. For what should never be out of mind what is certain is – that they are not the very speeches that were spoken by the gentlemen to whom they are ascribed. /honourable gentlemen whose names they bear./ that they are nothing but a greater or less portion of what by the reporter is regarded as the substance of what by the persons in question was respectively said. Not that, by this want of genuineness, any just cause is given for regarding them with indifference. To the public at large what on these occasions is of importance, is – not what was really said, but what is reported as having been said. For that which they are reported to have said – that, and that alone, lives in the public eye – has been seen by many, and may be seen by any body: whereas unless short hand writers were employed and those skilful ones that which they really said died as soon as born, and can never be seen by any body. I take my leave of the real Mr Goreli. I come now to the imaginary Mr Goreli, to the imaginary Minister of the Colonies and to the imaginary Count Torreno: the real ones will I hope bear with me. I entreat that this may be all along kept in mind. But before I come to the imaginary Mr Goreli I must pay my respects to the imaginary Minister of the Colonies. For he takes upon him to inform you my friends how things stand in regard to these matters in my own Country: and in so doing to tell you something which is news[?] to me[?].
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Title: [1820. Octr 18 Spanish liberticide measures]Description: 1820. Octr 18 Spanish liberticide measures 12 Letter 2. Public Discussion 12 But this protection for the supreme legislative body King and Cortes together – this protection against sudden violence and no more in that one spot – it would not prevent the communication of ideas belonging to the field of government all over the kingdom on the subject of government: it would not prevent the communication of those ideas from which disaffection to the government might arise. No, to be sure it would not: and therefore though it would answer my purpose, it would not answer Mr Gorelli’s, that purpose being to prevent the communication of all ideas about government, except such as he and /might be agreable/ those with whom he acts. For to this it comes at every turn. Rulers! Spanish Rulers! Are you content to suffer, at all times, the undisturbed communication of all ideas whatsoever on the subject of the government and the governors for the time being, how adverse so ever to your own? If yes /content/, Your principles on this subject {as to the liberty of speech and writing} are those of the Anglo-American United States and the Constitutional Code which you profess to uphold: if no, your principles are those of the King of England and the Emperor of Morocco.
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