If from analogy any honest and instructive use had on this occasion been intended to be made by people of different countries professing the same persuasion in these our times a much more relevant and instructive lesson would be afforded than any that could be drawn from even the same country at such distant times.

If in Ireland, where three fourths or more of the population is comprised of Catholics, no ill treatment has within the memory of man been bestowed by Catholics as such upon Protestants as such, while in the same country so much ill treatment has on other accounts been bestowed [by]

MS ‘upon’.

the people of each of those persuasions upon those of the other, it is (it may be said) because the power of doing so with impunity is not in their hands.

But in Countries where the Catholic is the predominant religion and in which at the same time as in our island, barbarity on the score of mere catholicism was by Catholics exercised by and according to law and in the Catholic countries in which the exercise of those barbarities was in those times most conspicuous, of no such barbarities has any instance (it would be found) occurred for a long course of years.

Even

Above this paragraph there is a pencil note ‘Note’. In the text at this point Bentham has noted ‘(a)’.

in Spain I have been assured if I may depend upon an assurance given me by persons fully informed and of the most respectable character no instance of a capital execution for any offence against religion had occurred within these 22 or 23 years.

In the capital of Mexico, if I may believe a gentleman of distinction in his own country by whom the capital of that kingdom was lately visited,

Possibly the Hon. Andrew Cochrane Johnstone (1767-1834), soldier, politician and adventurer, and Bentham’s tenant and neighbour in Queens Square Place. Cochrane Johnston had visited Mexico and it is clear that he had given Bentham information about that country; see Correspondence, vol. viii, pp. 61-2. Between 1808 and 1810 Bentham had entertained the notion of visiting Mexico himself, but his plans came to nothing.

he was by the Grand Inquisitor himself conducted into every apartment of the prison of the Inquisition that for the purpose of the being assured by occular demonstration of the non-existence of any person in the state of prisoner within its walls.
Similar Items
  • Title: [28 June 1810 Fallacies 3]
    Description: 28 June 1810

    Fallacies

    3

    III ad Socordian

    Ch. Procrastination

    2 §.2. Exposure

    A serious refutation would be ill bestowed upon /[...?] thrown away/ /little less than/ so frivolous /[...?]/ /transparent/ a pretence.

    Which is the properest day to drink? is the question put by the comical glee. Answer Saturday, Sunday, Monday. Tuesday, Wednesday, Thursday, Friday, Saturday Sunday Monday.

    Is it lawful to do good on the Sabbath day? was in substance the question put by Jesus to the ascetic bigots and by the official hypocrites. The measure[?] he had to deal with, though so little heeded is as [...?].

    is as notorious and undeniable as to the purpose aimed at /pointed at[?]/ by it it has as yet in some countries been ineffectual

    Which is the properest day to do good?

    Which is the properest day to remove a political nuisance? Answer the very first day that any man can be found to propose the removal of it. And on that day whosoever opposes the removal of it, it is for the same reason that if he dare will secure his opposition on every other.

    The doubts and fears /misgivings/ of the parliamentary /political/ procrastinator are the conscientious scruples of his prototype the Pharisee

    Whatsoever is today too soon, make sure /be assured/ that tomorrow if not still too soon it will be too late.
  • Title: [24 Aug 1809 Parl y Reform Electors]
    Description: 24 Aug 1809

    Parl y Reform Electors

    Qualification

    '.2

    3

    7

    3

    1. in the present case suppose the British labourers &c [...?] to be for [...?] the [...?] the No Popery cry to have had its natural effect.

    2. Reform the Union with Ireland. Taking Ireland /that island /country// upon the footing on which it then stood viz that of a separate state, connected with Great Britain by no other tie than that of having one public functionary viz the King in common - the prevalent system of government of policy was so preposterously drawn + that none of the Catholic persuasion comprising the great majority of the people say about three fourths being subjected by law to many severe and galling restraints /disadvantages/ from which any of the Protestant persuasion comprising the minority say about one fourth were free, the whole frame of government, having the oppression of the majority not only for its effect but for its declared object, was an universal nuisance /an undisguised and [...?] tyranny/: insomuch that setting apart /longing[?] out of consideration/ barren other circumstances that required to be well weighed and considered, every Irishman in proportion as he loved his country meaning by his country not the dirt /earth/ /soil/ of which it was composed, but the aggregate number of the human creatures by which it was inhabited, could not but hate the government /men/ by whom it was so tyrannized.

    Suppose in this state of things and before the Union instead of the independence of 1789 the right of suffrage to have been [...?] to all the male adults in the whole country, and /without distinction and therefore/ [...?] them to all Catholics as well as to all Protestants.

    [Side note:] Suppose in consequence another Irish massacre.
  • Title: [2 Aug. 1802 16 N.S. Wales 2 In point]
    Description: 2 Aug. 1802 16 N.S. Wales 2

    In point of wealth then, whatever portion of the capital

    employ'd in the Colony is taken out without an immediate

    of the mass that otherwise would have been

    employ'd within the Mother Country, without

    return

    and being so taken is fixed in the Colony,, is so much lost

    to the Mother Country. But if, notwithstanding this loss, the contribution

    paid in and by the Colony out of the annual profits of

    this capital towards the expences of government in the Mother Country

    is as great as would have been paid out of such

    annual profits,

    had the capital remained and been employ'd within the

    Mother Country — and no expence is

    bestowed upon the Colony by government,

    in such manner as to reduce the neat amount of such contributions,

    then and for so long as such

    return in the shape of annual contribution

    continues, the loss to the Mother Country will not be felt. If no contribution

    at all be received by the Mother Country — or

    to

    less amount — and if any such expence be so incurred

    — all such deficiencies constitute so many items in the

    account of

    annual loss.

    Of the capital thus employ'd in the Colony

    such part of the annual produce as is

    consumed or otherwise put to use within the Colony operates in no

    degree in augmentation of the profit, if any,

    accruing from the Colony to the Mother Country, or in diminution

    of the loss.

    As little does any such part of that produce

    as,

    though imported into the Mother Country, is received no otherwise than

    in payment for goods sent into the Colony in return.

    Any given sum (say £100,000) drawn by any Mother Country (say

    Britain) from any one of its Colonies

    on such terms, no more belongs to the account of profit,

    than if it were drawn on the same terms from any other Mother Country

    — say France or Spain.