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[C103-526]
At top of sheet, Bentham has noted: 'Fallacy Table a case[?] for [...?] rebuke.'
PRIVATE
The want of sufficient time for adequate discussion when carried on orally in a numerous assembly, has to no inconsiderable extent been held out by experience in the character of a real and serious evil.
In the margin, Bentham has noted at this point: ' See this touched upon in Notes in J.B.s Radical Reform as supposed, those which are not yet published the 4 th Feb y 1821.'
Bentham's Radical Reform Bill, with Extracts from the Reasons, London, 1819. [As yet can't find this point 'touched upon'.]
To this evil, the Fallacy Table presents a remedy to an indefinite extent, a powerful, and to the whole of the extent, an altogether unexpensive remedy.
In the text, Bentham has noted at this point: 'speak afterwards of the […?] belonging to this evil. Of the […?] of the only strict[?] remedy, […?] of the […?] uttered to each speaker.
'Also of the peculiar nature of the evil, in respect of the indissoluble connection with the great good, the encrease of the mass of appropriate talent in the Assembly.'
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Title: [At top of sheet, Bentham has noted: ‘Satyrist]Description: At top of sheet, Bentham has noted: ‘Satyrist 1 June 1810. N o 33 p. 570. ‘1. Broughham’s knowledge of the House – his opinion of it. Like L. James[?] Brookes[?] obliged to assume the appearance of frivolity that he might not frighten his Judges or like the professed wit called fool obliged to put on the Cap & Bells.’ ‘Looking at the House of Commons with these views’ (says a writer on the subject of parliamentary reform) ‘my object would be to find out its chief defects, and to attempt the remedy of these, one by one. To propose no system, no great project, nothing which pretended even to the name of a plan, but to introduce in a temperate and conciliating manner .... one or two separate Bills....’ c c This was Brougham: the time about June 1810. Reference is made to the Government periodical called the Satyrist, (by Manners), June 1810. N o 33. p. 570. But that wretched performance is now pretty well forgotten. Quere whether to insert this here, or under Graduality-preacher's fallacy? In this strain were they proposed to be addressed, these men, A o 1810. by M r Brougham in this same strain were they addressed A o 1819 by Sir James Mackintosh, in moving for a Committee on the penal laws. To give a man any chance of doing any thing with them in this same way they have ever been addressed, and must ever be addressed, till by radical reform (for it can not be by any thing less) the House shall have been purged of a class of men of whom the most compleat inaptitude in respect of every element of appropriate aptitude, is an effectual characteristic. In the scale of appropriate probity, in the scale of appropriate intellectual aptitude, to find their level a man must descend below that of the very dregs of the people. Oh what a portrait is here drawn of them, and by so experienced a hand! How cutting, yet how unquestionably just, the perhaps-unintended perhaps intended satyre! To avoid awakening the real terrors of some, the sham-terrors of others, all consistency all comprehensive acquaintance with the field of action must be abjured. When with idolatry in all shapes shall have become extinct, and the word wise-ancestors no longer an instrument of deception but a bye-word, with what scorn will not ancestors such as these be looked back upon by their posterity!
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Title: [At top of sheet, Bentham has noted: ‘ 2 Sept]Description: At top of sheet, Bentham has noted: ‘ 2 Sept. 1819. Better not employ these 13 pages under Fallacies - not being sufficiently relevant: Quere whether any where, and where else?’ §. Opposite to this fallacy is close-reasoning: ex gr. as employed in apposite nomenclature and classification. Opposite to this direct mode of contestation is the mode already so well known, and commonly designated by the appellation of close-reasoning. In proportion as a man's mode of reasoning is close (always supposing also his intention honest) for the designation of every object which he has occasion to bring to view, he employs in preference the most particular form of expression that he can find: that form which shall be best adapted to the purpose of bringing to view, to every mind with which he has to deal every thing which is its object to bring to view, as clear as possible from every thing which the purpose does not require to be brought, and which in consequence it is his endeavour to avoid bringing to view.
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Title: [[mainly in copyist’s hand] 1819 Oct]Description: [mainly in copyist’s hand] 1819 Oct. 2 Nov 9 + + Benthams Radical Reasons §.1. Seats & districts Over number Remedies 1 4 Supposing the time arrived, when the evil from superabundance of Speakers became sensible and serious, the following expedients present themselves in the character of Remedies. 1. Limit the length of time allowed to each speaker; allow suppose in the first Instance half an hour. This, in free debating Societies, has been a not uncommon practice. Add, or add not, five minutes for eventual explanation. 2. On occasions of adequate magnitude, on which full justice (it is supposed) can scarcely be done to the argument, without an extra length of time – power to the House to choose a certain number of persons to whom an unlimited time shall be allowed. N.B. Here the difficulty would be so to order matters as to prevent the predominant party from having all such unlimited speakers on its side. 3. In full view of all the Members, keep suspended a Table of Fallacies: a table, in which the irrelevant and other fallacious arguments to which the nature of the business is apt to give rise, are designated by appropriate names. Place it within reach of the Chairman, who, being provided with a wand, points, upon occasion, to any head of fallacy, which it appears to him that the Member who is speaking is endeavouring to employ. By an instrument of this sort, not only might time be saved, but the reasoning faculty improved. In the case of any Assembly, which is, not either by sinister interest or pride, precluded from the faculty of improving its mode of procedure – in a word in the case of any Assembly not clothed with power – the adoption of an instrument of this sort may be regarded as not altogether improbable. Even by a Governing Assembly – and how great soever might be its power – the adoption of it might be regarded as a less evil, than the taking from half or two thirds of its number their prospect of reassuming their seats.
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