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1820 Feb. 16
Radicalism not dangerous
III.
II. Ireland
4
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In so far as the foundation is sham, they who would have a superstructure of any sort /in any shape built upon it/ must content themselves with a sham superstructure. A people who content themselves with sham appropriate aptitude in all its shapes on the part of their rulers, will have for the necessary result sham felicity as the result: sham felicity for the ultimate effect with a correspondent choice of shams on the part of the intermediate cause. On the part of the Monarch /supreme executive Magistrate/ sham sham benevolence, sham beneficence sham precedence: on the part of that other set of functionaries who are where they are there because their forefathers were there before them guardians of an interest which is not so much as pretended not to be an interest peculiar to themselves distinct from one consequently constantly opposite to that of the people the same collection of sham virtues: on the part of the sham representatives of the people , a sham sence of responsibility to their alledged constituents coupled with a real responsibility on the part of those who are seated by patrons to those the authors of their political being /their political creators/: on the part of all together a sham solicitude for the felicity of the people a real solicitude for their own private felicity, accompanied with a conduct really conformable to that real solicitude: on the part of Judges a sham solicitude for the interests of the people in respect of justice, a real solicitude for that interest of their own which is promoted by the screwing up to the highest pitch the mass of emolument /advantage in all shapes/ extractable from their respective Offices: a sham desire /solicitude/ to reduce to their minimum the evils of delay, vexation and expence, a real solicitude and /with a/ correspondent endeavour to swell it and keep it swelled to its maximum for the sake of the profit derivable and derived from the expence: + a sham desire /solicitude/ to reduce to its minimum the quantity of the burthen borne in all shapes imposed /borne/ upon the people: a real solicitude and correspondent endeavour to swell to its utmost possible magnitude for the sake of the proportionable benefit which the authors have found means to derive from it.
Note
“+ See in Scotch Reform &c 28 distinct instances in which for this purpose by that same authority factitious vexation and expence have been and continue to be manufactured: as also the point of distinction between their natural system of judicial procedure which has justice for its object and that technical system which with fiction, i.e. wilful falshood for its object, has for these same purposes been created by these same hands. Of no part of the picture there drawn has any man /any lawyers wit/ with or without a gown ventured to deny /control/ the truth. But so successful have the architects been in the construction of the labyrinth of iniquity that no eye which is not strengthened and exerted[?] by a predisposition to the sinister interest can muster up strength enough to bestow the exertion necessary to obtain a clear conception of it.
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Title: [1820 Feb. 16 Radicalism not dangerous]Description: 1820 Feb. 16 Radicalism not dangerous III. Experience II. Ireland 1 What a mass of […?] unfathomable[?] felicity of the existing sacrificed to d o of future generations Text or Note On the part of the British Constitution as it exists at present - on the part of this government /constitution/ on the one hand as compared with the government of Spain Morocco or Bambarra on the other is there then comparatively speaking no real excellence? on the part of the people no comparative felicity no correspondent comparative felicity? Unquestionably yes: and that in no small proportion /magnitude/. But to what is it owing[?]? To a cause purely fictitious such as a community of interest between governors and governed? No: but to a cause which in so far as is /to a certain/ extent possesses a real existence and correspondent operation. Proportioned to the faculty /facility/ which the people possess of becoming acquainted with /informed of/ the conduct maintained in relation to them by the ruling few, of forming each for himself {a} correct judgments in relation to that conduct, of communicating their sentiments in relation to that conduct in the first place to each other and then making normally[?] and upon occasion jointly communication of these sentiments to the ruling few themselves will be the form of a sort of controul which though not avowedly nor in force of law will nevertheless in fact be exercised by these same subjects over the conduct of their rulers. But this controul which has been at all times greatly /widely/ inadequate, has by the late measure been subjected to the absolute will of those on whose will and conduct the controul in so far as it were productive of any office would be exercised: they are subject to /bound by[?]/ no ties[?] which it is not at any time in their power weakest[?] any the smallest difficulty to throw off at pleasure. By no more can any defect either in the constitution of the government or in the practice under it can /they […?]/ any defect be pointed out, but that of which he in so doing the tendency may be in his eyes be to bring that same government into hatred and contempt, and thereby his endeavouring so to do, and by no more can any thing be published tending to bring the government into hatred and contempt without his being liable according to law to be for the first offence […?] by fine and imprisonment, and for the second offence banished - both from all his connections and all means of livelyhood.
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Title: [1820 Feb. 16 §.{5} §.1? Radicalism]Description: 1820 Feb. 16 §.{5} §.1? Radicalism not dangerous III. Experience II. Ireland Radicalism its origin[?] 4 1 In point of fact as well as in affection the superior power of the elector considered as composed of three fractional parts is lodged in the hands of three bodies, reckoning the body of an individual as one of them namely the Monarch, the /Lords/ House of Lords and the Commons House. The Monarch is determined by birth without choice: the Members of the Lords House are determined in the same manner: the Members of the Commons House, with the exception of a portion too small ever to carry any the smallest measure, are determined by Members of the Lords House or by individuals whose interest is more likely than in any other case to be conformable to the interests of the great majority of the people, when their seats have been obtained by purchase. + The interest of all these men is in a state of constant and […?] and constant opposition to that of the vast majority of the people: for of men in these situations as in every situation it is the self-supposed interest to obtain and retain in his own hands as much as possible of the external /reputed/ instruments of felicity in all their shapes, money, power, factitious respect vengeance ease and so forth as much as possible, leaving as little as possible in the hands of other people of these same name[?], or they are /if they are not/ at the same time beings different from one[?] the conduct is at every moment conformable to what at that same moment is conformable to their interest: and consequently if in so far as the opposition has place, which it has on all occasions but a few occasions if it be not in a state of correspondent opposition to the interest of the great body of the people. To that which is said to be the duty of these same rulers in whose conduct the felicity of the people depends for such felicity as they possess. (a) The interest of the moment which is always the cause by which the conduct of the moment is determined may be in any degree opposite to what would be the real interest of the whole of life. If Peregrinus Proteus who, for notoriety sake, when in the presence of thousands of spectators, and amongst others the Greek philosopher Lucian whose report we have threw himself into a flaming funeral pile in which he was consumed, the conduct on that occasion was not less the result of interest than was ever that of the most expert gamester or prudent money lender. + See this proved in Parl. Ref. Catechism Introd. §.
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