date

1820 Feb. 17 Radicalism not dangerous
1820 Feb. 17

Radicalism not dangerous

III Experience

II Ireland.

Radicalism origin of

Vengeance

4. Vengeance

12

{10}

which is order[?] to the other[?] for British[?] and […?] […?]

As to vengeance, though this be among the occasional objects of occasional desire though in a greater or less degree the appetite for it has place in every human breast, yet it is only in so far as Monarchy or Aristocracy or a compound of the two that of any permanent security for the faculty of gratifying it has place.

In proportion /Proportional/ to the admixture of Democracy or even of Aristocracy with which in the Monarchy in question the purity of it /the system/ /the Constitution/ is defiled is the frequency with which this appetite is liable to experience excitation /excitement/. Under a /an absolutely/ pure Monarchy it is only by stealth that any want of obsequiousness (for as to resistance it is out of the question) that any want of obsequiousness to the known will and pleasure of the dread sovereign can have place. Only by /By nothing less than/ rebellion can […?] or […?] vengeance be called forth in Spain or Austria or Russia. The British with the clogs /obstructions/ that still remain to the exercise of pure Monarchy /free exercise of royal will and pleasure/ the British /Britons/ is the sort in a peculiar and almost exclusive degree favourable to the growth and consequently to /thence to/ the gratification of royal vengeance. John Wilkes what was the number of years that that demagogue and blasphemer found exercise for this same[?] appetite[?] on the most religious as well as gracious power of the this best of Kings George the third be as well as work for the loyalty and industry of right Honourable and Honourable Houses, and learned Benches. As a medicament /recourse/ a instrument[?] of reason against royal […?], how much better[?] worth to that sacred Majesty than the most vigorous and artful stages[?] to royal fruits[?] were John Wilkes.

Scarce so many days sport the fourlegged animal will have afforded {to his master} as the twolegged animal without failure offered years.
Similar Items
  • Title: [1819 Oct. 13 Parl. Reform Bill]
    Description: 1819 Oct. 13

    Parl. Reform Bill

    Reasons Prel. Obs.

    §.2 Electors who

    3

    Here it may be observed – but under the Constitution as it stands it may be said /says somebody/ neither is it Monarchical ascendancy, nor Aristocratical ascendancy, nor the ascendancy of Monarchy and Aristocracy (that has place) but the ascendancy of Monarchy Aristocracy and Democracy conjoined that has place – and accordingly it may be asked the ascendancy of Monarchy, Aristocracy and Democracy conjoined as under the Constitution as it stands is it incompatible with good Government.

    The answer here too is in the affirmative. See another N o in the Appendix N o | | Title Aristocracy and Democracy conjoined as under the Constitution as it stands is incompatible with good Government.

    [marginal heading:] Superseded

    {But even admitting that these forms are every one of them incompatible with good government, it will not absolutely follow it may be said either that Democracy or Democratical ascendancy in any form or at any rate in the form of radical reform as you present it or in one word radicalism is preferable and eligible. For any government, how bad so ever is better than none. And under /of/ radicalism as you present it would not the effect be the destruction of government, and there with the destruction of every good thing which it is the use of government to preserve?}

    Here the answer is in the negative. See another N o in the Appendix. N o | |. Title Radicalism not dangerous.
  • Title: [1820 Feb. 20 Radicalism not dangerous]
    Description: 1820 Feb. 20

    Radicalism not dangerous

    III Experience

    II Ireland.

    Radicalism - its origin

    10

    4

    1

    Applied to a form of government, {or to other objects,} the epithets good and bad are terms of reference: they are employable and continually employed in each of two senses which in pace[?] of continual misconception and correspondent misconduct require to be carefully distinguished. These two senses correspond to /are determined by/ the objects which on such an occasion may be in view: these objects are in the first place, that which is or ought to be the end of government the greatest happiness of the greatest number; in the next place other forms of government considered as means which are or ought to be employed and directed to that same end. According as the one or the other of these so perfectly distinct objects is the object referred to, these two terms opposite as they are in form, may with perfect truth and equally perfect sincerity be applied to the same subject, and even with reference to the same time.

    The English Constitution {I say} is bad. With reference to what is it bad? Answer With reference to the only true and proper end /In respect of the end/ of government. This same constitution is at the same time good. With reference to what constitution? Answer with reference to all other constitutions which have no democracy in them, and all constitutions which have no democracy in their mixture. Well then where Constitutions are the object of reference, is it good in every instance? Oh no: it is not good but bad, with reference to such constitutions which are purely democratical: such constitutions as have neither Monarchy nor Aristocracy in their mixture: It is bad with reference to that which itself might be and would be if it had more of democracy in its mixture: it is bad in proportion to that quantity /those forms/ of power in it which belongs /belong/ to Monarchy or /and those which belong to/ Aristocracy while in democracy they have no place. In a word in respect of and in proportion to the sum of those parts by which it is distinguished from pure democracy meaning always representative democracy: being the only form of democracy which on a scale susceptible of permanency is susceptible of influence.
  • Title: [1820 Feb. 17 Radicalism not dangerous]
    Description: 1820 Feb. 17

    Radicalism not dangerous

    III. Experience

    II. Ireland

    Radicalism origin of

    Reputed Instruments of felicity

    1. Money

    2. Power

    2

    The quantity of felicity produced in any human breast by these objects of general desire does not rise /encrease/ in any proportion to the quantity of the aggregate mass of them. It is always a question whether in the breast of an average Monarch in an unlimited monarchy the quantity of felicity be twice as great as that in the breast of an average day-labourer in constant employment is always questionable: that it is so much ten times as great, no man it is believed will look upon him to assert with confidence.

    This being agreed, a consequence is that in every community the quantity of felicity will be the greater the nearer the approach to equality is in the manner in which they /such of them as are divisible,/ are divided.

    Of these several instruments of felicity and objects of general desire the only essential and permanent ones /articles/ /ones that are susceptible of division/ are money and power: these accordingly are the only ones which have a necessary place under every system of government.

    Considered as appendages of government /political power/ factitious dignity, vengeance and ease, are characteristic of bad government.

    Factitious dignity is the fruit of /product /offspring/ of/ pure illusion on the one part, and of imposture on the other. The effect of it in so far as it has any is purely mischievous. Suppose money, and power /its preeminence on money and preeminence on power together with factitious dignity/ altogether absent, the portion of respect and affection each man possesses - the portion of natural dignity each man possesses, will be dependent on his good behaviour will depend on the degree in which the virtues of /virtue of beneficence in conjunction with that of prudence, including/ self-regarding prudence are regarded as being present in or wanting to his conduct.