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18 Nov r 1809
Parl. Reform Plan
'.2. No moral binding
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2. Here is an occasion for a man[?] in the situation this[?] dependent to display the independence of his mind. Rebels[?] in this case [...?] as necessary the will of his constituent or in other cases as necessary d o of King.
Neither From any manifestation thus made of independence of mind in an office which in a degree proportioned to the amount of the value of it in the eyes of him that holds it renders him dependent in point of situation - neither from any such manifestation in this or that particular instance nor from a general observance of the rule /any such general rule as that/ which requires it to be made can any ultimate and preponderant prejudice [...?] to the interest of the whole. I mean always under a system under which the recurrence of the process election should be frequent in any such degree viz. annual as that here proposed. For no sooner does the next election day arrive, than the Electors in question, taking into consideration the whole line of the conduct of their representative since the last preceding Election day, have then an opinion of pronouncing their judgment upon it, and in pursuance of such judgement to re-elect him or dismiss him as they think fit. If in going counter to their opinion: to their will and their instructions, he presents himself to their votes as having gone counter to his own opinion of what is right, their opinion reprobating his conduct on the score[?] of want of probity will have been pronounced, his dismission at their hands will follow as of course. And even in their eyes should even his probity remain unimpeached, still /even in that way/ it may happen to him to present himself to their view as being to such a degree wanting /deficient/ in power[?] of intelligence, that some other candidate /person/ may present himself to their view as being likely to be more fit in respect of both qualifications taken together than their former representative.
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Title: [23 Aug 1809 Parl y Reform B]Description: 23 Aug 1809 Parl y Reform B.III Influence &c. B.III Influence &c. {Corruption} 8 3 3 The merely corrupt are not in this way: they are brought in Gratis by [...?] or opportunists. It proves nothing one way or other to a /any/ certainty: but what indications it affords point rather to independence than to dependence, and thence to probity rather than to improbity. In so far as a man /Member/ owes his seat to his money he does not owe it to any human being. He is thus far, and bating /setting aside/ any possible ulterior possible prospects, independent and in so far upright. In so far as he owes his seat to any human being in so far is he dependent, if not by any coarser tie, at the base[?] by the tie of gratitude. If so it be that he owed his seat to some human being in a word to a patron, that patron is himself either independent or dependent. If independent, it is well and the dependence of the minimum, dependence as it is presents nothing formidable, nothing that is more likely to be adverse to the interests of the Country than favourable. If the patron be dependent, then so far as the minister[?] is dependent upon the patron he is dependent in the same way as the patron himself is. If the patron be dependent (to say nothing of the secret advisors of the Crown) he is so either under and with reference to the Minister or under and with reference to the leader of opposition. If dependent on the Minister in possession, his situation as to probity is in the worst state. He stands immediately engaged to give his support to all bad measures to any amount the Minister pleases - his opposition to all good ones. If dependent on the Minister in expectancy, his situation as to probity is not in quite so bad a state, but still it is in a state very unfair in that respect to independence. Against good measures his opposition will be but occasional, nor even then will it be of any avail: against bad measures the opposition of him and those with whom he acts affords the only check, the only palliative and restraint[?] the nature of the case admitts of.
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Title: [20 June 1811 Abdication Independence]Description: 20 June 1811 Abdication Independence 1 25 {Oh but they ought to be dependent on nothing but their own sense of duty - not on the will of the people. - Answer - But if not on the will of the people on who? better are they […?] to be dependent? is not it not more probable they will be dependent in the name of their own interest than in the name of their Duty?} On this subject the substance of a volume is comprised in one single word - and that word is independence. And Are men yet to learn, that for probity, independence is no efficient security: that the only efficient security is dependence: and that as between the virtue of probity and a state of independence, independence so far from being an efficient security for that virtue is but a licence for the contrary vice. Yet is independence the unqualified, as well as on the part of all who see the least chance of obtaining evidence, the universal boast. On the part of one English Country Gentleman be his independence equal his utmost boasting, it will still be but /no better than/ dependence in comparison of the independence possessed by {The Emperor of Morocco and} the Emperor of France. But this imperial independence how much the /what/ better are the people for it? about as much the better in point /the article/ of happiness as the independent man himself in point /the article/ of virtue. True it is that for dependence to serve as a security for probity it must be dependence on a right quarter, it must in a word be dependence on the good opinion and thence for it can not be otherwise on the good will of the people /on the people/. Yet who is there that /who/ so far from professing would not be shocked at {the} bare idea /mention/ of any thing in the expression of which as exemplified in his instance any such word /were employed/ as dependence were employed?
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Title: [29 Dec r. 1809 Parl y. Reform]Description: 29 Dec r. 1809 Parl y. Reform Necessity Ch. 17. 5 Go on to shew the struggle between King & Minister Ministers occasional[?] obligation to [...?] 1 Human[?] & [...?] 2. Catholic emancipation The number of acts of misconduct which an administration finds itself able to committ with impunity - without dismission, censure of the persons, reversal or so much as modification of the acts will of course be liable to variation. It will be jointly dependent on two circumstances, the degree of reputation they possess in the opinion of the people, and the degree of favour they possess in the affection of the King. At first favour will of course be altogether out of the case: by the supposition, if the King could without too much disturbance to his case have avoided taking them in, he would not have taken them in. But if, being in possession of popularity they preserve it, or not being in possession of that advantage they acquire it, then in proportion to the share in which at any given time they {are} in possession of it, it will appear difficult and ineligible to him to dismiss them their dismission will in his eyes be matter of difficulty: and at the same time if so it be that by their obsequiousness to his will they came to acquire a degree of favour, the consequence is, that in proportion to the degree of favour thus acquired will be his unwillingness to part with them.
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