date

11 Aug 1809 Parl y Reform B
11 Aug 1809

Parl y Reform

B.III Duration

Ch. 3. 1. Ferment

6

3

As to the Member, in this case he will have the satisfaction of taking his choice. If in his estimation, his own pecuniary circumstances taken into the account, money be the preferable object, he will accept of the official situation: if power, superordinate power, he will declare it.

But though in this respect /article/ the value of a seat in the House will not be taken /done/ away, it will at any rate be diminished /upon the whole be curtailed/ nor will the diminution be inconsiderable. It will be no longer, as at present a situation held during what is called /during/ /in the technical/ good behaviour that is during any sort of behaviour good or bad so it be not punishable as a crime, but during the pleasure of his constituents that is during good behaviour in the natural /familiar/ and unsophisticated sense.

At present, under the system of Septennial Parliaments, each Member /Candidate if successful/ being in, bating accidents, for seven years, each Candidate if unsuccessful, sees his hope deferred for that long term. His exertions are proportionably strenuous, and in case of opposition violent.

But when every year by renewing his chance keeps alive his hope, a gentle and moderate though constant emulation will take place of that turbulent passion in the composition of which a space[?] of eventual despair is necessarily involved.
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    Description: Aug 1809 +

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    The ferment is as the importance: the importance is as the duration of the seat[?].

    1. First as to the ferment.

    This word is here made choice of not only as being in as frequent as familiar as fresh use as any one that offered itself as applicable to the purpose, but as capable of including under its import two perfectly distinguishable heads of inconvenience.

    1. The first is composed of that combined mass of expence and vexation which already has been so frequently brought to view, and as supposed so effectually obviated. Nothing more therefore need be said about it here.

    2. The other is composed of the heat and mutual ill-will liable on such occasions to be produced in the mass of the people in the course of the friction and contention /[...?]/ that takes is liable to take place on these occasions between contending parties.

    I mention this as an inconvenience which to some conceptions may present itself as liable to be increased by the increased frequency of elections. But to my own conception it presents itself as having a tendency and that /of/ no inconsiderable one /strength/, to produce the opposite good effect.
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    B.III Influence &c.

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    The merely corrupt are not in this way: they are brought in Gratis by [...?] or opportunists.

    It proves nothing one way or other to a /any/ certainty: but what indications it affords point rather to independence than to dependence, and thence to probity rather than to improbity. In so far as a man /Member/ owes his seat to his money he does not owe it to any human being. He is thus far, and bating /setting aside/ any possible ulterior possible prospects, independent and in so far upright. In so far as he owes his seat to any human being in so far is he dependent, if not by any coarser tie, at the base[?] by the tie of gratitude.

    If so it be that he owed his seat to some human being in a word to a patron, that patron is himself either independent or dependent.

    If independent, it is well and the dependence of the minimum, dependence as it is presents nothing formidable, nothing that is more likely to be adverse to the interests of the Country than favourable.

    If the patron be dependent, then so far as the minister[?] is dependent upon the patron he is dependent in the same way as the patron himself is.

    If the patron be dependent (to say nothing of the secret advisors of the Crown) he is so either under and with reference to the Minister or under and with reference to the leader of opposition.

    If dependent on the Minister in possession, his situation as to probity is in the worst state. He stands immediately engaged to give his support to all bad measures to any amount the Minister pleases - his opposition to all good ones.

    If dependent on the Minister in expectancy, his situation as to probity is not in quite so bad a state, but still it is in a state very unfair in that respect to independence.

    Against good measures his opposition will be but occasional, nor even then will it be of any avail: against bad measures the opposition of him and those with whom he acts affords the only check, the only palliative and restraint[?] the nature of the case admitts of.
  • Title: [13 Aug 1809 Parl y. Reform]
    Description: 13 Aug 1809

    Parl y. Reform

    B.III Duration

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    2

    What is every man's business is no man's business: - what may be done at any time is apt to be done at no time. This in quiet times would be the ordinary /natural/ and probably most general state of the case. {And in the case of a man of little or no merit the greater the length of time during which under favour of the general negligence and indifference he had been sitting without opposition the firmer he would be in his seat.

    On the other hand, let there be a time at which a fresh judgment can not but be pronounced, here will be a particular point of time at which any person in whose bosom the desire and at the same time in any adequate degree the hope of taking his place may have been formed will see before them a particular point of time at which they will have an /a sort of/ opportunity which in the other case they could not have. And then[?] /While/ to the sitting Member, the continual apprehension of seeing fresh rivals [...?] against him, will keep presented to his mind a continual stimulus, and operate on it as a constant preservation against negligence.