24 Aug 1809

Parl y Reform Electors

Qualification

'.2

3

7

3

1. in the present case suppose the British labourers &c [...?] to be for [...?] the [...?] the No Popery cry to have had its natural effect.

2. Reform the Union with Ireland. Taking Ireland /that island /country// upon the footing on which it then stood viz that of a separate state, connected with Great Britain by no other tie than that of having one public functionary viz the King in common - the prevalent system of government of policy was so preposterously drawn + that none of the Catholic persuasion comprising the great majority of the people say about three fourths being subjected by law to many severe and galling restraints /disadvantages/ from which any of the Protestant persuasion comprising the minority say about one fourth were free, the whole frame of government, having the oppression of the majority not only for its effect but for its declared object, was an universal nuisance /an undisguised and [...?] tyranny/: insomuch that setting apart /longing[?] out of consideration/ barren other circumstances that required to be well weighed and considered, every Irishman in proportion as he loved his country meaning by his country not the dirt /earth/ /soil/ of which it was composed, but the aggregate number of the human creatures by which it was inhabited, could not but hate the government /men/ by whom it was so tyrannized.

Suppose in this state of things and before the Union instead of the independence of 1789 the right of suffrage to have been [...?] to all the male adults in the whole country, and /without distinction and therefore/ [...?] them to all Catholics as well as to all Protestants.

[Side note:] Suppose in consequence another Irish massacre.
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     [...?] whether on Irish Union compensation was [...?] given for Electoral Rights & for Borough patronage.

    '.5. The case of the Irish Union affords no proper precedent

    Oh but Ireland! in the case of Ireland when electoral rights and borough and county interest was taken away compensation was made: and large was the sum which it cost the people in both islands out of the taxes.

    Compensation made? /!/ Yes indeed. And at a vast expense! Yes indeed. But why, and to what end made? Exactly to this end: - to pay the worthy receivers of the money for not raising a rebellion.

    Paying one for not committing crime is a sort of policy which as Blackstone gravely informs us+ can not unfortunately be resorted to in every case, and which at the first blush does not appear practicable in any. Why? because as the same learned person proceeds with equal gravity proceeds to inform us it is not every country that would be at all times rich enough. To every man so much for every piece of money he has not stolen: so much for every woman he has not violated: were most of this sort to receive it or received the principle its reward, the reward even though it were not to exceed a farthing would be rather more than the country could afford especially these hard times.

    Particular sorts[?] of crimes however there are which in certain circumstances governments are or fancy themselves compelled to deal with on this principle. Henry the 4 th of France had some of his great men to pay for giving up the trade of rebellion. George the third in one of his islands had some of his great men to pay for not setting up that trade.

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    But in this country men can not endure the idea of any such thing /any such idea/: and if it /the Man/ be possible in after the force of sinister influence has expended itself there should ever be left among those whose situation was less [...?] of their taking part in political affairs a /an efficient/ Majority at once able and disposed and enabled to put the business of government /state/ upon such a footing as shall render the state and conduct of it subservient to the universal interest, generations say who can how many may have to pass away ere any such beneficient /salutary/ change shall have been accomplished. In America the Commonwealth already formed must have in /during/ all that time have been giving the example of the only good form of government, and if that [...?] which can not by any other means be allowed /enjoyed/ this must have been seen, others in the same quarter of the Globe must have been added to them. Perhaps even france must have been added to them, and thus for who can say what length of time have covered with shame the [...?] [...?] /so clearly/ Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland.
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    1

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    In proportion as any country is more and more remote from the habitual seat of government, in a Monarchy from the residence of the Monarch, the privation of morals[?] may naturally be expected in it. Mischiefs /evils/ are in a less exclusive degree and particular degree /shape/ presented to the cognizance /perception/ of the rulers; and by such as are presented the impression made is less vivid: nothing of that end being seen, nothing any otherwise presented to the conception than by being heard of.

    Compared with Britain, Ireland is the favourite seat of misrule: and it is the interest of the King meaning always the particular, the separate the sinister interest that if possible it should continue in that state: for ever if possible, if not possible, then at any rate in the state of the worst misrule, and to the latest moment possible.

    In the eyes of the King viewing that island with a view to his particular interest, the great worth of it is that which it possesses in the character of a nest of sinecures. /To the sinister interest of the royal bosom how should Ireland Ireland in its present state - considered in the [...?] part of that state be any thing but his choicest jewel? Ireland is a very nest /constellation/ of sinecures./

    The great majority of the people shall they /their condition/ be raised to that of a level with that of the minority? Shall the benefits of spiritual consolation be imparted to them upon any thing like an equal footing? Forbid it heaven! forbid it justice!

    The value of any office is in the direct ratio of the mass of emolument attached to it /it is invested with/, and in the inverse ratio of the quantity of labour it is loaded with, such as is the value of the emolument to the Bishops, such is the value of the patronage to the most gracious and religious king. Hence the transcendental value of an /a Protestant/ Irish benefice in Protestant hands.

    Were the majority of the people in that country raised to a level with that of the minority, one of two things, these masses of [...?] would /they would/ either be done away /dissolved/ altogether, or distributed among Catholic divisions[?] in return /recompence/ for active service.