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1818 Oct. 26
Parl. Reform Bill
Reasons
'.2 Electors Who
Univ
III. Taxedness
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2. According to this theory it is fit that the faculty of contributing to the choice of those functionaries whose office it is to apply a check and controul to the exercise of the powers of /exercised by/ another functionary, the Monarch should not be absolute fixt and secured to those electors themselves but dependent for its existence partly on the set of persons annually[?] chosen by them partly upon the functionaries to the exercise of whose powers it thus belongs to them to apply a check: and on[?] whom[?] will it will in some way or other depend when the exercise of the elective function shall be possessed. With the concurrence of the Lords House and of the Commons House both of them so notoriously subject to and their conduct determined by his influence, he may tax when he pleases he may forbear to tax /avoid taxing/ when he pleases.
3. On each occasion whether the person in question shall be admitted to give a vote depends not immediately upon the law which has undertaken to determine who shall and who shall not vote, but upon the interpretation given to that law, and thence upon the evidence which shall or shall not be required and admitted to give effect to that right. But by the influence of will on will exercised over the wills of those by whom it is determined what evidence shall and what shall not be received /accepted/ as sufficient - acceptance or rejection /non-acceptance/ of - vote may there be, and but too often has been /as but too often it has been/, determined by his pleasure, as that has been determined by his separate and sinister interests.
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Title: [20 Jan y 1810 Parl y. Reform]Description: 20 Jan y 1810 Parl y. Reform Ch.1. Character §.3. 13 3 The person, be he who he may, by whose will, known or presumed, the will and conduct of the Member of Parliament in question {be} determined - if it be right that by the will of this other person the will and conduct of the Member of Parliament in question should be determined, it would be right, and still more right, that by such other person the powers attached to the situation of Member of Parliament should be exercised: in a word /in other words/ that to the effect in question such other person, the King for example, should instead of the Member in question, be the trustee /be trustee/. Admitt this, and past all power of denial several consequences will follow, consequences /propositions/ no one of which, it is supposed, would very readily find acceptance /a very ready is general/. 1. That on every question on which the will of another person was thus admitted as a fit substitute to the will of the sort of functionary here in question, a child in leading strings, or an insane person, if sufficiently obsequious to the guidance of the supposed and admitted substitute, would make as fit a Member of Parliament as he /the one/ on whose part the sort of obsequiousness here in question is supposed. understand as far as votes only /alone/ votes without speeches were required reserving for the exercise of the faculty of speech such Honorable gentlemen by whom that faculty is exercised at present /under the existing order of things/.
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Title: [1822 June 26 Economy The modes of]Description: 1822 June 26 Economy The modes of limitation being thus distinguished, apply them to the several branches of power in a State 1. First as to the Supreme Constitutive branch If to the power belonging /appertaining/ to the supreme Constitutive functionaries such is its simplicity any limitation /restriction/ in any way can be applied by limitation applied to the field of their power, it can only be through the medium of a correspondent limitation /restriction/ applied to the functionaries possessed of the supreme operative branch: To the power /of their representatives/ which the possessors of supreme operative power their representatives shall be competent to exercise there shall be such and such limitations /restrictions/ shall be understood as applying. In this indirect mode alone is any limitation capable of being applied in the field of power appertaining to the class of supremely constitutive functionaries. Note on this occasion that when in any state endeavours are /language /industry/ is/ employed in the endeavour to trace all power to its first source, a sort of cloud hangs over the operation at the spot in which that source is looked for. Constituents may apply limits /restrictions/ to the power with which they entrust representatives: principals may set limits /apply restrictions/ to the power with which they entrust their trustees. But who is it that does /are they that do/ or can take upon them to apply limits to the power of Constituents? Of Constituents themselves where [...?] shall we find /who can be/ the Constituents? The plain truth of the case is - that when, in the drawing of a Constitutional Code persons of a certain description are declared and professed to be possessed of the supreme Constitutive power, whereupon they acy accordingly, the possessors of the supreme operative power for the time being are the persons by whom they are invested with such their constitutive power /it/: by this positive act it is that with relation to this matter the initiative function is exercised; and as to the corresponding consummative power it is exercised by them in active way /by the functionaries/ on whom the constituent power has so been conferred - exercised by them in an active way, and in a passive way by all the other members of the community in question, namely by their acquiescence.
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Title: [26 June 1819 Disfranchisements proposed]Description: 26 June 1819 Disfranchisements proposed. Disfranchisement Landholders sinister interest 1 Proofs of […?] & other waste Trusts – 1 Clergy’s dilapidating Leases. 2. Scotch Burghs dilapidation. 3. Charitable institutions dilapidation 4. Recent Charities waste 5. Royal Institution waste 6. London Institution[?] waste 7. Penitentiary waste 8. In City of London, dilapidations less, because of democratic influence. In my view of the matter any encrease in the number of the great landholders in the House of Commons is not a good but an evil: if not dried up by democratical ascendancy, a sure source of ultimate ruin My reasons are shortly these 1. They have /act un/ /stand exposed to/ a particular interest opposite to and more powerful than their share in the universal interest. 2. This particular interest will always be predominant, unless and until a radical reform shall take place rendering their continuance in the House every year dependent on the will of the people as manifested in Elections III. They want that sympathy of conception with the exigencies of the lower /inferior/ classes, which is necessary to good economy. I. As to that particular and sinister interest the circumstances by which it is constituted are the following. 1. Partly in the way of nomination, partly in the way of influence all of them by titles constituted by these same efficient causes partly by intimidating influence /terrorism/ partly vote-compelling partly of the competition-excluding kind they are actually in possession of a number of seats sufficient to constitute a majority in the House of Commons, and by that means determine on every occasion the conduct of government without or notwithstanding any check capable of being opposed to the misrule[?] on their part by the body of the people in the character of Electors 2. They are at all times exposed to and subjected /determined/ /directed/ to the sinister influence of will on will, by operation of the matter of wealth in the /its/ character of matter of corruption operating on those minds in all its several shapes according to these several situations: money, power, factitious dignity, peerages advancement in the peerage: all these good things looked for, not only for themselves but for their connections /relatives/ of all sorts domestic and public: amongst whom in an indefinite number those whom if not at the expence of the public they would have to provide for at their own private expence. Witness a son of the Dike of Beaufort, quartered upon the people in the character of a Lord of the Treasury or Admiralty.
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