125_184.xml

Title: [[Marginal summaries sheet[?]] [Mainly]

Description: [Marginal summaries sheet[?]]

[Mainly in copyist’s hand]

27 Jan y 1817.

Plan Cat

Title

Catechism of Parliamentary Reform &c

Written A o 1809.

To which is prefixed

Written Feb y 1817

A brief sketch of the existing Necessity of /for/ such a measure.

Introduction

1

Date of this 1809 rejected by Times -

2

Till now kept back by other papers by despair of use -

3

Long had the necessity and < > of radical been apparent

4

Rosed[?] to ruin surveyed and afterwards < > by J-B. as visible in all < > of economy laid down by Burke and Rose[?]

4

1 Short of the matter as to demand for reform. By general acknowledgement seal of the advantage possessed by British over other Monarchies the democratical past: no other shot can be found -

5

Advantage this supposed past real, past but apparent -

6

Real past what? the part composed of which are called English liberties viz. possessed in part i-e considerable degree, but

Introd

7.

Q. Imaginary part of the advantage - security against the controul sacrifice made in every other shape of the universal interest to the partial and < > Monarchy and aristocracy -

8.

Monarchial interest the Tories: aristocratical the Whigs.

9.

In all their differences, without need of concept they have agreed on this - viz - that the aggregate wealth of the people is a fund, out of which to the greatest amount possible wealth is to be entrusted for < > and < > fortune to be made

10

In the instance of Burke the < > of the Whigs this proved already: soon it will be in d o. of Rose < > of Pitts Tories -

10

7. 0. 1 < > to the entrance of offices &c -

10

1 Immediate sources of these fortunes < > temporary and casual contracts &c

2 Needless places -

3 Useless d o.

4 Overpaid d o.

5 Sinecures -

Introd

11

Less immediate sources (the immediate not being < > without < > more expences < > viz - 1. Unnecessary wars - 2. Burthensome distrust dependances 3 Arrangements for keeping foreign power dependant by subsidies

4 d o. by terms -

5

6. Expence for support of < > under the names of honour; glory, national dignity

7 Expence of < > of the Crown: i e excessive personal expence of Monarch and his < > i e for

11

Means by which the real advantages are circumscribed wether such narrow matter of corruptive influence possessed by the Monarch, and so situated, as to command with irresistable force the conduct of the number of the democratical part of the sovereign power -

12

Elements of this matter

125_159.xml

Title: [[Rudiments sheet[?]] 3 Dec 1816]

Description: [Rudiments sheet[?]]

3 Dec 1816

Parl Reform. Cat. Perf.[?]

Parl. Ref., Necessity

When men has[?] understood that the ruler have a separate interest that they see and perceive that sinister interest is none[?] that see it or not see it they pursue it and will pursue it and then so the pursuit of it the compound[?] interest[?] will be made a constant sacrifice, then thereby if at any time it can be is it understood that there ought to be a change.

In these hands The sole[?] matter of wealth is matter of corruption.

It acts of itself without need of a corrupter-[…?]

It operates in proportion to its quantity

In the […?] from the present[?] virtue would not prevent its thus[?] acting[?].

Parl. […?] the result of Ministers and Members personal convenience

Minister want[?] the first[?] piece[?]

1. No less for officers than Ministers[?]

- 2 Yes for Counter[?] Measures[?]

- Yes for […?] […?]

No for creating[?] thoughts, not any […?]

5. idlers[?] may be that done more[?] by imputation[?] […?] it liberty be it of the idlers themselves in […?] interest[?] that […?] interest to idles[?] […?] […?]

Capitation & […?]

A principle Militating[?] as it is and as it ought to be.

Shewing the benefit of Parliamentary Reform[?] […?] up as a payment […?]

Not a word /[…?]/ in common with in which some […?] instructive[?] deceptitious fallacy is not involved.

1. Loyalty

2. Independence

3. Influence

4. Legitimacy

By itself many an evil can not be defended with any prospect of success; but in a lump with the gore[?] of the constitution the whole may be and is.

The forms of insecurity[?] might be endured, if the substance of democracy were at the bottom of them.

But /But except from liberty of speech and writing/ what we have is of democracy nothing but the forms: of monarchy the whole of the little substance.

But for the necessity of maximising[?] the money for the constant purpose of […?] defence, or the occasional purpose of offence and conquest Continental Courts would be vastly more […?] than they are. Prudence retains[?] little leniency[?].

Prima facie observe to speak of all expenditure as misapplied. Annexes. All is the state of the H. of Commons taken into the account: as though none were so in any other view. Individual interest of tab-rulers has assured[?] to preserve liberty of speech &c such liberties as remain[?] or the degree to what they remain[?]: secure[?] preserve[?] the corruptive courts. Profit - This written A o 1809 or 1810, not in concert with anybody.

Every man who has an immediate interest in abuse in any one shape has a remote d o in d o in every other. Therefore any where a bad precedent not justifiable but on a principle by which every man’s abuse would stand condemned . When effectual cooperation may be depended upon contest is needless.

Corruptions influence Opinions, affections habits all will be moulded by the […?] interest into a state of ductility.

What favours it will be heard and thought of with pleasure: what disfavours it with aversion.

1. Rulers interest adverse - Despotism or (unmitigated) Reform, sole alternatives.

2. Rulers (viz. 1. King, 2. Sub-Rulers) ends, engrossing matter of good in all its shapes, i.e. waste.

3. Alibi means sufficient standing Army.

In Means necessary ends in /In office[?]/ House of Commons keeping in a spoken[?] man only on each occasion.

4. In this state sacrifice of subjects to entire interest can not but be on till non[?] chain{?]: more waste produce than corruption more corruption than waste.

This purpose[?] is the necessary result of the necessary predominance of /of personal & other/ narrow over more extended interests.

be - the use of a representative of the people securing the universal interest a constant predominance.

Rods[?] &c up a level

5. But for the virtual supremacy of the people a minute portion of the existing mass of good operating as corruption would suffice a […?] the whole.

6. How matter of good in hands of executor applicable to members of a legislation operates irresistibly of itself without need of any one to apply it. Matter bribery nor corruption punishable in any shape as necessary[?] as evidence.

No reflection necessary to perceive the good from[?] corruption received: […?] to perceive the evil. Pains[?] taken to discourse political enquiry.

7. Conditions necessary to any effectual […?] of the self-preservation principle people.

1. On each occasion an acting majority appointed by the majority of the people . 2. Power of promptly displacing them: almost immediately in the hand of the people /of the people/. Neither

3. Promptitude of the exercise would suffice by itself

3. The Electors if not all adults so composed as to comprehend all interests.

Causes of Wars

1. Wars

2. Requisition of […?] dependencies[?].

3. Involvement in the affairs of other states.

Measures of happiness is[?] in[?] directly desire to be the sole proper ultimate and

But, groundlessly other objects are set-up as interred at ends.

1. Balance of power

2. Composition of forces

3. […?] rights of King […?] with those of the people.

4 Setting up the Constitution exactly as it stands as a […?] of perfection, and the preservation of it exactly as it stands the sole […?] and basis[?]. It is notia[?] toto[?] but only the active portion of it is conducive to universal interest.

Words which by observing and ambiguity[?] come[?] to blind[?] inceptions[?].

1. Influence

2. Independence

3. Loyalty

4. Legitimacy

5. Dignity

6. Honour[?]

7. Splendor of the Crown.

Groundlessness of the notion that the people have not wisdom sufficient to make a sufficiently good choice.

Are English so confine to Americans.

1. In United States they have

2. In England no remedy how

can but force them

3. […?] of aversion[?] is not greater than that of the Parliamentary Poles[?]

4 Regular […?] is moveable and continually moving: hence the other[?]

JB_172_187.xml

Title: [1821 Feb 17 Rid Yourselves]

Description: 1821 Feb 17

Rid Yourselves

'.1. Interests conceived.

the advancement of the interests of those of whose will they have been

the expression and the result; all nets whatever therefore all portions of discourse

expresses of the will of rulers of the rulers in itself. That they should have been

directed to this and in preference to every other, follows from the undeniable and

unalterable constitution of human nature In consequence it is to the interest that is so

far as it has found them in opposition, every opposing interest, small and great narrow

and extensive, that of the whole aggregate of the subject many not excepted, has of

course has in all places and at all

By the necessary constitution of human, nature, every human being, in

the ordinary [...?] of his life, pursues his own interest in preference to every other:

in preference even to all others put together: and thereby, in so far as in his eyes

competition has place, to the sacrifice of every other: for a propensity, without which,

it would in consideration by found, that the species could not for any length of time

continue in existence. If then they are human beings, in the breasts of those by whom

any share in the powers of government but at any time in any place been possessed and

exercised, will this propensity have had place: and not only had place, but with fewer

no exceptions have had its effect in correspondent acts. If this be admitted, it is

thereby the advancement of the interests of those of whom will it has been the result:

of those interests in preference to, and in case of competition, to the extent of such

competition, at the expence of all opposite interests and to the sacrifice of all

inteests as to the conception of the persons in qustion have at the time presented

themselves as opposite to this rule there have been any exceptions, still, comparatively

speaking - so rare have they, in all times, and in all places, been - that to act upon

the supposition of their being in a preponderant degree probable can on no occasion be

consistent with the dictates of human providence. as in the case of human acts in

general, so more particularly in the case of acts of government, the act has, with few

or no exceptions, had for its object

1821 Feb. 19

Rid Yourselves

'1. Interests concerned.

On the part of every person possessed of political power a constant

endeavour has accordingly been to advance his own particular interest, at the expence in

so far as necessary to the sacrifice of the general interest and as well as of every

particular opposing interest. To this endeavour, no bar but the persuasion of mobility

to give effect to it, has ever, put a stop: has ever yet, or so long as human nature

continues what it is ever can. This being the case with each human being taken singly,

such can not but be the case with any number of beings, as that as in every other

situation taken in the aggregate. Such therefore, in every country and at every time,

been and will be the case with the ruling few, in their dealings with the subject many.

To that endeavour, by nothing but the view of inability can any effectual bar be

opposed: nor in this case can any bar to effectual, other than a power, on the part of

the subject many, to remove the ruling few from their respective situations: and this

with a promptitude deficient in every instance to anticipate the consummation of the

sinister sacrifice.

1822 July 21

Rid Yourselves

Letter 2. Interests concerned

In opposition to this maxim, by which in political situations the

general predominance of self-regarding over social affection of asserted and stated as

the only defensible foundation for political arrangements, vain would it be to bring to

view any of those sacrifices, which in particular conjunctions, under some violent and

short-lived excitement have sometimes been seen made. Idt is to the general tune of

human conduct, and not to any extraordinary deviations from it, that all such

arrangements should be adopted.

If then, with few or no exceptions, this assertion of the general

predominance of self-regarding over social affection is true of public men in general,

to no one in particular can any application made of it be injurious.

If there be any number of men each of whom is not on each occasion

governed by what on that same occasion presents itself as his own most important

interest (meaning always self-regarding interest) so small

when compared with the remainder is the number of such men, and at the same time so

enters the impossibility of distinguishing from men of ordinary mould men of this

extraordinary mould,- and in particular so small the probability of their being found in

the class of men high in the conjoint seats of power and opulence,- that, all these

circumstances taken together, the only supposition, that, on any given occasion, can in

regard be any one man so situated be rationally entertained, and acted upon, is - that

in his [...?] or it is by his self-regarding interest, according to his own conception

of it at the time, that his conduct will be determined.

For this same reason, finding this persuasion in relation to him avowed

by every other man, on no occasion can a man thus situated have just cause for

complaint, much less for anger, and for vengeance.

On this supposition do the ruling few invariably proceed in every

instance, in which, for giving effect to the arrangements of which penal and civil law

is composed, they make application of the matter of good and evil, in the shape of

reward and punishment, in the exercise given by them to the power possessed by them over

the subject many: and why, as applied to themselves there should be less truth in it, is

a question to which it rests with them, or any one who on this occasion may be disposed

to feel for them, to find an answer.

For this same reason, by no protestations have retained so ever, can he

give to any assertion of his to the contrary may take to credence: on the contrary the

more vehement the protestation no more cogent the demonstration of insincerity,

hypocrisy and effrontery.

as often as they observe themselves spoken of as being obsequious to the

universally applying and universally irresistible impulse

1821 July 26

Rid yourselves

Lett. 2. Interests concerned

If, on finding his articulations or protestations to this effect

disbelieved, a main thirst for vengeance should be inflamed to such a pitch as to render

him eager to destroy the life of this or that individual the provocation is attributed

and for the purchase of a chance of affording to the appelation its disastrous

gratification, content to expose his own life to equal hazard, by no such dissocial

passion would the truth of the assertion be rendered in any degree the more probable.

As little would it, if in the same view he were to call God to witness,

shedding at the same time tears in ever so large a quantity: all that would thus be

proved is - that he had that secretion at command, and that as in the mouths of profane

cursors and swearers the word God is an instrument of

boistrous nuisance, so, in his, by the weakness of his hearers, he expects to find it

converted into an instrument of privately profitable and publickly mischievous

imposture. (a)

Yet, every where but in the Anglo-American States, on no better ground

than what is afforded by such pretences, passions and artifices,- as often as they are

spoken of as being as other men are, are men in power loud and unceasing in their cries

for vengeance: in their cries for it, and in their endeavours to obtain it.

(a) Here comes the long Note consisting of four pages.

1821 July 26

Rid Yourselves

Lett. 2. Interests concerned

Spaniards! forgive this digression, if such it can be called. In Vain,

in this occasion or any other form in or any one else, would any address be made to you,

should it have as well as find you satisfied to sacrifice your own to any opposing

interest: in vain would any man seek to preserve you from such self-sacrifice, if in so

far as in the occasion in question your rulers had an interst opposed to yours it were

not known to you that they had, and to what kinds it applied. Yes: so sure as you and

they exist, on this occasion as on every other, so far as depends upon the conduct of

your rulers, whoever they are, the circumstance by which your lot "will be [...?] is the

view of their own interests: on this occasion therefore as on every other, every thing

depends on your having so ordered matters, as that their interests are in coincidence

with your's, and to that purpose vain will be your endeavours, should you amuse

yourselves with any such notion, as that in the natural state of things, and without any

attention on your part to secure it, any such coincidence has place.

1821 Feb y 19

Rid Yourselves

'.1. Interests concerned.

Spaniards, that of which I myself entertain the most intimate

persuasion, which persuasion, by submitting to you the grounds of it, I am now using my

endeavours to communicate to you, is - that to the interest of you - the subject many,

not only in Ultramaria but in Spain the union in question, even if effected to the

interest itself, and without dispute, would in a preponderant degree be noxious and so

long as it lasted continue so to be in every way imaginable.

At the same time, among the ruling few there are classes, and those

extensive ones, to the interests of which it would be beneficial, in so far as it had

place without dispute: there are even those - and that to to whose interests no

inconsiderable extent, to whom it would be beneficial notwithstanding dispute, some even

not to whom by reason of the dispute and that not only in case of successs to this side

of the dispute, but even in the case of failure.

On the other hand, among those, to whose interests, on some accounts, or

in certain events the union, and the endeavour to preserve or reestablish it as the case

may be, would be beneficial, there are those to whom interests on certain other

accounts, and in certain other events, such endeavour would, not only in reality, but

not improbably in their own eyes respectively, be detrimental. In all those several

instances then, should that permit which it in reality detrimental is the persons in

question, be so in their eyes, in so far an example of the coincidence above spoken of

between universal interest and particular interest would have place, and the persons in

question would, each of them, while pursuing as to their part his particular interest,

be at the same time by opposing the pernicious prospect, be pursuing and giving his

support to the universal interest.

1821 Feb. 19

Rid Yourselves

'.1 Interests concerned

As to the classes, to whose particular interests the union in so far as

it had place without dispute would in a greater or less degree

be beneficial. These may be stated to be the following: viz.

I All functionaries, possessed or not possessed of power, to whom, in

possession or expectancy, the union holds out a promise of any addition to emolument to

the emolument attached to their respective situations: To this last may in a more

particular manner referred.

1. The Secretary of dispatch for Ultramaria, and his subordinates: viz.

in respect of direct emolument or patronage is both.

2. The Secretary of dispatch for Money and Justice, and his d o in respect of d o.

3. The Secretary of dispatch for Finance: and his d o

in respect of d o.

4. The Secretary of War: and his d o in respect of

d o.

5. The Secretary for Maritime affairs: and his d o in

respect of d o.

6. The Members of the Council of the Indies: and their d o in respect of d o.

7. The Commander of the Army: and his d o in respect

of d o.

8. The principal Commander of the Navy: and his d o

in respect of d o.

9. The Members of the Judicial Establishment: in respect of such

Ultramarian judicial situations as may be fitted by Spaniards: and in respect of any

causes capable of being brought from Ultramaria before a Spanish Judicatory..

10. The Clergy: in respect of such benefices in Ultramaria as may come

to be fitted by Spaniards.

11. The Members of the Cortes: in respect of such patronage as may be

exercised by them through the intervention of the Members of the Administration, as

above.

12. All Expectants in violation to any of the above several situations.

13. The King, the Royal family and their personal servants of all ranks:

in respect of indirect patronage, as above.

14. Grandees and other persons of opulence and rank, in respect of their

influence with relation to functionaries sharing in the power of patronage.

II To those may be added, as not comprised in the class of

functionaries.

II. Merchants, Manufacturers and Artisans enjoying or expecting

emolument, in the way of encrease of trade or otherwise from any prohibitory,

restrictive, or other anti-commercial regulations, imposed or expected to be imposed,

upon Ultramaria or any part of it.

16. D o, engaged in the production, importation or

such of any of the articles, the use or consumption of which will be or will be expected

to be, encreased by preparation for eventual war, against or on account of, any part of

Ultramaria.

17. Political Writers or Orators expecting emolument or d o expectation by advocating the claim of dominion over Ultramaria.

1821 Feb. 20

Rid Yourselves.

'.1. Interests concerned.

18. In Ultramaria itself all such persons, of whatever class and rank,

to whom it may happen to stand indebted, or to regard themselves as standing indebted,

or to be in expectation of standing indebted, for any share of emolument, power or

destruction, from the possession or the claims of Spanish dominion or influence in

Ultramaria.

II. In case of dispute, and in proportion to the extent of it, may be

added, in respect of the addition produced by war to the quantity of the patronage, all

the above fourteen classes: with no other exception than that of Class 9 th composed of the Clergy.

Also the mercantile Class N o 16 in respect of the

addition made by actual war to the quantity of war articles, the demand for which cannot

but be kept up by the state of constant preparation, realizing from the continuance of

the dominion, or of the claim to it, even though no actual dispute should in the event

have place.

1821 Feb. 20

Rid Yourselves

Interests concerned

Against the mass of interest, sinister interest as it surely may be

denominated, at any rate in so far as its tendencey is to give encrease by expence to

fired[?] military service and in both ways to the mass of public burthens may be set the

mass of interests to which the dominion or claim in question may, in itself or in their

eyes, be adverse:- /detrimental:-/ those are the interests of those classes, at whose

expence in any extraordinary proportion it may happen to the claim to be pursued.

There are two sources, and from which above, from which, any expenditure

emplyed in the support of the dominion or claim in question is capable of being derived.

These are taxation and retrenchment.

If there by any persons, and in particular any public functionaries, in

whose eyes the class to which they belong will appear to be in any particular manner or

degree exposed by the claim in question to loss in either of those shapes, these will

accordingly have in so far a particular interest adverse to the claim in question: a

particular interest, which stands in opposition to their above merits and sinister

interest, will, by the amount of its force, make a proportion additional to the force of

the universal and uniformly legitimate interest of the whole community. In the instance,

if each person so circumstanced, according as in his eyes, the value of his particular

and sinister interest on the one hand, or on the other hand the value of his legitimate

though particular interest, added to that of his share in the universal interest is the

gratis, will be the part he takes, as to the given, support for the claim in question,

or which in /making/ opposition to it.

1821 Feb. 21

Rid Yourselves

'.1. Interests concerned.

The worse the state of the /a/ government is in respect of economy, the

more decided is the impracticability of providing for the difference between existing

suppliers and indispensable exigences, by additional taxation: in the same proportion

therefore has place the necessity of having recourse to retrenchment.

This considered, the following are the classes of functionaries, the

pecuniary provision for which will naturally present itself as being, in the nature of

the case, in the greatest degree susceptible of retrenchment: and whose interest, in

proportion as a decision has place that retrenchmetn is the means f supply that can not

but be resorted to for the satisfaction fo the exigencies in question, will be

acknowledged even by themselves to stand in this respect in coincidence with, and will

operate in support of the universal interest. For this kind may be referred

I The King, her family, and houshold, including the [...?] of all ranks

receiving payment for personal services, rendered or supposed to be rendered, to [...?]

or [...?].

II. The Clergy. III. The Public Creditors: In relation to each of these

Classes, considered in an extraordinary degree exposed to suffer from retrenchment, a

free observation may here be not without this use. 1. As to the King, and his personal

dependents as justmentioned.

That, considered with reference to the universal interest the expence

belonging to this kind is not, in any part of it necessary to the king, nor yet to the

well-being, of government, as is demonstrated by this circumstance that in the

Anglo-American United States not a particle of it has place: and beyond possibility of

critislation[?], in that cluster of two and twenty representative democracies, the

people, in so far as depends upon the nature of the government are in a state of

felicity, not to be matched in any other country in any age. If therefore the usefulness

of the part of the official establishmetn to the whole value taken together were the

only consideration to be adverted to, here is a mass of constant expenditure, from which

not merely might ample retrenchment be made, but of which, according to the above

principles, were these the only ones that bore upon the subject, the entire aggregate

might be [...?] off with indisputable advantage - and without detriment in any

shape.