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1818 Dec r. 30
Parl. Reform Bill
Dialogue
Preliminary View
Evils & Remedies
Evils
Miselection
Females
Reformist. I come down from them at a word.
You see what I have done to humour you. At one stroke, struck out so many millions
of votes: within a trifle as many as I have left in. Now then, in this as in other
cases, does not one good turn deserve another?
Anti-Reformist. What is it you would be at?
Reformist. I will tell you presently. /in a trice./ In comparison of what I have
granted what I ask /call for is a mere/ nothing, and in asking it I do but follow
your example. {What you insist upon is to exclude females from power in one shape:
what I want /ask/ is to exclude them from power in another. In your eyes they are
unfit from joining each of them /respectively/ in the exercise of the /a minute/
fraction of a small fraction of a fraction of coercive power. What I would propose is
to exclude them }
Power being the good thing in question, you exclude them from it by millions, all I
call upon you to do is to exclude from it a score or two.
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Title: [1818 Dec r. 30 Parl. Reform Bill]Description: 1818 Dec r. 30 Parl. Reform Bill Dialogue Preliminary View Evils & Remedies Remedies Election Miselection Election Females 1 Anti-Reformist. Well now, why to you exclude females? That I exclude /should be for excluding/ them you need scarcely be told. But what the present occasion requires is that you should say why you exclude them. Reformist. I will give you the best reasons I can find. 1. In the first place, so inseparably are the interests /such is the community of interest/ of the weaker sex interwoven with those of the stronger, that in the breasts of the male half self-regarding affection suffices to /for/ securing /secure/ them against all injury: unless it were clear that by the accession of the less informed sex more appropriate aptitude would be imported into the Election Office, than would have place there otherwise. Such at least is the presumption: for if any one were to stand up and shew that under the existing things the interest of the weaker sex is sacrificed to that of the stronger, and under the proposed scheme of reform would continue to be do to be, let one that can /that know how/ justify the exclusion. I am sure it is more than I am /should be/ able to do. 2. In the next place, I know not at present of any dissatisfaction which at present to any considerable extent, if any, has place on this account in those tender breasts. For supposing any such dissatisfaction to have place, let the compleat identity of interests be ever so uncontrovertibly established, here again no fish[?] would be more perfectly mute[?] than I should find myself obliged to be. 3. In the third place, in my own instance there is the personal satisfaction I feel in humouring, if I may be allowed so free a word, yourself and so many other of my friends: and in particular my honourable and learned friend M r Brougham, who by the single power of the word females pronounced in connection with my name and the word consistency raised /produced/ on the part of his honourable colleagues a laugh, in which there was just as much sense, as in any laugh which any one of them when in leading strings ever exhibited upon being tickled by his nurse.
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Title: [1818 Dec. 22 Parl. Reform Bill]Description: 1818 Dec. 22 Parl. Reform Bill Dialogue II Election Evils 25 6 Anti-Reformist. Come then, set to work your exhaustion-pump: give us /produce/ your divisions: if they suit my taste /I like them/ they please me/ I will call them logical ones: if they do not suit my taste /I dont like them/ /they displease me/ I will call them metaphysical. Let us both be at liberty you produce what you please: I give what name to it I please. Reformist. Agreed: First then, these Election evils I divide them into characteristic and uncharacteristic or not characteristic. Anti-Reformist. What do you here mean by characteristic? Reformist. I mean such evils as have are not only liable to have place on the occasion of the sort /mode/ of Election in question, but could not have place without it. Anti-Reformist. Then by your uncharacteristic evils you mean such evils as are liable to have place on the occasion in question, but are moreover liable to have place on other occasions. {Well, your characteristic Election evils what are they.} {Reformist. Before I tell you what they are I must divide them in the first place into hurtful | | the mischief of which falls upon men in their public capacity alone, such the /injurious to the public alone, evils hurtful to individuals only and evils hurtful to the public and to individuals, both at the same time/. } Reformist. Exactly so. It is a real satisfaction /comfort/ to me, to see you thus beforehand /going before/ with me.
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Title: [1818 Dec. 24 Parl. Reform Bill]Description: 1818 Dec. 24 Parl. Reform Bill Dialogue II Preliminary View Evils & Remedies I Evils 31 12 Anti-Reformist: Act[?] Office-bearers[?]? Custom House officers, Excise men? Corruptionists, as you call them, - the whole lists of them? Reformist. O yes; even were they more than they are The case is – facts not words are what I look to: realities not professions and make-believes: substance, not made show. For all practical purposes, so long as they can not be so in reality, evils which are so but in tendency, are no evils are thrown /I throw/ out of the account: just as you would fractions of a farthing in a pecuniary account. Appeals to the public at large out of the question even in the House itself, a minority, supposing it to remain always a minority – a minority though it wanted but two to be a majority, would produce no effect at all consequently no evil effect: it would be but a fraction and that an inoperative one. In the case of the aggregate number of voters in an Election District, a minority be it ever so large an one, is still more palpably ineffective: it is but a minute fraction of that same inoperative fraction. The whole tribe /list/ of these seemingly objectionable persons suppose them to combine and a together and to be disposed to vote on the same side – not that this could ever happen: how many seats would they be able to fill? Disposed as they would be, probably not one. But suppose them to fill a dozen: what would that signify? Just nothing. But they would not do any such thing. First, because they would not all agree. Secondly because being so dispersed /dispersed as they/, they would produce no considerable effect upon the poll any where. 3. Because it being made impossible for any man to know which way they gave their votes, they would be altogether exempt from the only sinister influence by which voters can be acted upon in the considerable numbers in numbers capable of giving an effectual support to a general system of misrule.
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