1
results found in
21 ms
Page 1
of 1
[129b-616]
10 March 1817 + D
Plan Cat
2 o
Introd
§.9. Freedom of suffrage
II Extent
1
23
23
V. Extent. As to the extent to which in one or other of the /its/ two shapes the /this/ spuriousness has place impossible /scarce possible/ it is /does it seem to be/ for observation, calculation or so much as conjecture to follow it. In the shape of bribery, yes: circumstances may here and there afford a clew. Not so in the shape of terrorism. Principal seats of it the County seats, in general. In general terms thus much may be said. But along with it and in a proportion /quantity/ never exactly distinguishable mixt with it there will be a proportion /quantity/ more or less considerable of free suffrage. That[?] much however may be pretty well understood viz. that to command a County with its two seats – to hold it even in everlasting chance not an atom of free suffrage is necessary. Without an atom of free suffrage terrorism in its two branches, viz. the vote-compelling and the competition-excluding branch is altogether /of itself/ compelled to the production of the effect In the competition-excluding branch it operates of course in the mode most convenient and agreable to the terrorist: since in that mode its operation is not attended with either trouble or expence: of the other the vote compelling branch, the powers are /the power is/ not called on but as a last recourse.
In regard to the two /joint force of/ operating in conjunction by tradition nor is it of old standing – the generation that witnessed the state of things is not all of it passed away, gives its testimony is given to the phaenomenon.
From
Similar Items
-
Title: [[129b-619] 12 March 1817 Plan]Description: [129b-619] 12 March 1817 Plan Cat 2 o Introd §.9. Freedom of suffrage X. Abolish bribery laws &c. 2 27 27 But seats which by the power of terrorism are vested in the hands of great landholders may for any length of time continue in the hands of persons who during that whole time been in a state of pecuniary pressure in his instance a lucrative situation may be a matter /an object/ of urgent concupiscence whether to enable him to pay interest or principal of a mortgage lying on his Estate, or to make provision for sons or other dependent relatives, of the male sex, or to buy husbands for daughters or other dependent relatives of the female sex not to speak of other dependants at large whose interest is connected with his by some tie not unless by accident as that which is constituted by genealogical relationship. Be this as it may, no imaginable sufficient reason can be assigned why the man by whom at an open market a seat is purchased, though it were as a drove of cattle + are purchased should be more surely engaged in the habit of undue obsequiousness as towards C – r General and C o than the man by whom a seat is obtained in the way in which it is most commonly obtained when not obtained by bribery, viz. by terrorism whether it be vote-compelling or competition excluding or –subduing terrorism in farms of a landholder or his nominee + Quote the specter[?]
-
Title: [1819 June 19 To Erskine ult]Description: 1819 June 19 To Erskine ult o Lett. 7. Whigs AntiReformists § 2. Pos. I. Desire impossible Number of self-sacrifices? 6 3 But then this number 204 is it to /can it with truth/ be looked upon as the number of the seats in the instance /case/ of which a reform giving the faculty of filling them to the people at large would not be /have been/ regarded by the existing occupants as an arrangement having /the/ for its probable effect the depriving them of those seats? No: out of the 204 persons so circumstanced perhaps not a third perhaps not a fourth, perhaps not a fifth would in the event of such a charge regarded themselves as not in the way in question prejudiced /made sufferers/ by it. For in this number are included all those which though in the list in question are not spoken of as being filled by influence were not in fact /truth/ no less filled by influence; to wit partly by money employed in trucking[?] and fetching up distant voters, and thence by competition-excluding terrorism, partly by intimidation of voters, and thence by vote-compelling terrorism. In those case was all the County seats but the /17/ very few to wit 17, mentioned in that text: in that all but the 61 borough seats mentioned in M r Oldfields work as being open to competition in respect of the largeness of the numbers of the voters, which numbers he accordingly gives: and among these there are those (Barnstaple for example) which have since been proved to be seats of close boroughs, closed against candidates at large and opened only to purchasing Candidates by the golden key of bribery. It is in this state of things that for the purpose /in the view/ of persuading us to believe on the part of Your Lordship the wish and at the same time the expectation of reconciling /of seeing reconciled/ to the idea of an efficient change a number of proprietors and occupiers of seats sufficient to produce it /for the production/, gives it to them as Your Lordships conviction p. 28 that a “very considerable extension of the system of representation would produce less change in the returns of Members than is generally imagined.” But by the sort of comfort thus administered so much as a single convert to reform in any efficient shape will ever be made or was ever expected to be made, is more than if I strained ever so, it would be in my power to make myself believe. ‡
-
Title: [[129b-417] 20 Feb. 1817 Plan]Description: [129b-417] 20 Feb. 1817 Plan Cat 1 o {2 o} Introd §.5. Moderate Reform II. Uselessness 4 Such may be seen to be the state /complection/ of moderate reform in all its faces Upon this view of it, the objection is – that with the exception of the comparatively inconsiderable beneficial effects promised by the propositions belonging to Heads IV and V /V and under Head I article 3 just now abandoned by the proposer/, it leaves the existing mass of mischief unreduced. The grand mischiefs are 1. In the situation of Elector, want of adequate extension /virtual universality/ of suffrage, 2. want of practical equality of suffrage, viz by inequality and thence excessive extent of electoral districts, in such sort that by expence produced by the distance from the plan of Election multitudes will either stand practically excluded from the right of suffrage, or what is worse thrown into the arms either of bribery or terrorism. To the removal of these mischiefs, by no one alone if by so many of the above propositions and that with but one proposer for the support of it has any tolerably adequate approach been made. 3. In the situation of Elector, want of freedom /of suffrage/: the necessary result of want of secrecy of suffrage: general want of /absence of that/ freedom without which no approach to virtual universality or practical equality can be of any use Of this want of freedom would you[?] behold the cause? Behold it /It has been seen there/ in the existence /unreduced existence and extent and power/ of terrorism, as well of the will[?]-compelling as of the competition-repelling and -excluding species: terrorism which the only possible remedy – and that a compleatly effectual one being refused to it, remains as to all existing votes untouched; so also as to the whole number of proposed additional votes: in so much that by this supposed instrument /remedy/ of reform /care/, the disorder so far from being diminished would be encreased.
1
results found.
Page 1
of 1