date

[clxiv. 76] 1820 July 11 Emancipation
[clxiv. 76]

1820 July 11

Emancipation Spanish

Introduction

Now, my friends, forgive me, if you can, when I declare to you that in all this and abundance more in the same stream of /generality/ vague generalities, I am unable to discover any thing like a substantial reason the rulers /why those who rule/ over the inhabitants in one of the two hemispheres spoken of should exercise dominon in any shape over the inhabitants of the other.

If selfishness and injustice are to be imputed, to whom are they with most and plainest reason to be imputed? To him who seeks to exercise dominion over another, and to put him to death rather than not obtain it, or to him who is content with remaining himself in a state of freedom, without seeking to deprive another of that blessing, much less of life?

Know you of any determinate reason, having regard /had/ to the happiness of both, any determinate reason why the rulers of the inhabitants of Spain whould rule /be rulers/ over the inhabitants of Spanish America though called Spanish rather than that the rulers of the inhabitants of Spanish America should be rulers over the inhabitants of Spain?

As to superiority of numbers, that could be no reason: superiority of numbers may make might: but it can not make right. Superiority of numbers constitutes not a reason /is no reason/: but if it did /were/, it would operate on their side.

Superiority of affection? is that the reason? is it that your rulers love them, better than they do themselves? But if it were a reason why your rulers should govern them, it would be just as good an one why their rulers should govern you. Well then - while you govern them, they govern you - while you determine for them what on every occasion their conduct shall be, they determine for you what on every occasion, your conduct shall be.
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    .2. Plan of this

    Behold then the source and substance of this Royal proclamation

    1. A call upon /summons to/ the inhabitants of Spanish America to submitt themselves to the dominion of the new rulers of Spain.

    2. Intimation of an eventual endeavour to employ force for securing obedience to this summons.

    3. Intimation of an intention to employ the force of the Spanish people at large to the purpose of securing such obedience: the forces of government under the reign of light and freedom /liberality/ the force of government applied to the same purpose as under the reign of darkness and terror.

    Such even by their own declaration, such to all appearances are the wishes and intentions of these your rulers.

    If they are so in reality, nothing I must confess can be more natural - nothing less /further from being/ extraordinary, nothing, if erroneous, force of habit considered, more excusable.

    But to me it does appear erroneous. My opinions, such opinions as I have been able to form, are quite opposite, are opposed. My reasons I will take the liberty of submitting to you without restriction or disguise /or reserve/. You will then, such of you as may be /conduced/ pleased to give me a hearing - you will then judge.

    On this subject, I will begin with simply stating what my own opinions are: they are as follows -

    1. It is against your interests that, be they who they may, your rulers should exercise dominion over those distant regions, over, even so much as any one of them, even supposing that one, and all the others, ever desirous that you should do so.

    2. Of course still more if there be any one that is averse to your exercising dominion over itself or any of the others: and of course the more strongly against your interest would it be the greater the number of the provinces thus repugnant, the greater the number of the inhabitants thus averse in each, and the stronger the aversion, in the breast of each inhabitant so averse.
  • Title: [1820 June 7 Emancipation Spanish]
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    '.6. Creoles repugnant

    "The universal good, you keep assuring us (they will say) the universal good of us and you taken together is now your object: the universal interest that universal interest the great and sole object of your regard. These compleatly over professed principles, the principles now professed to your changed and rendered opposite then that had place among you antecedently to the glorious revolution which put /placed/ the power in /into/ your hands.

    Well then of the universal interest of us all - of the 172 million on our side of the water and /added to/ the 102 millions on your side of the water is the object of your regard, why is it that the preference is on every occasion to be sure to the interest and convenience of the 102. Is not 172 greater than 102?

    If it be so indispensably necessary that the 172 millions in America and the 102 in Europe at a distance from a 6 week to a 8 month voyage should be governed by the same King or by the same set of rulers, can you tell us why it is that the seat of government should be among the 102 millions rather than among the 172 millions.

    Why many should be sent from us to you, rather than from you to us?

    Shy our production /our producer/ and the trade of the 17 million should be [...?] for the benefit of the 102 millions rather than the trade of the 102 millions for the benefit of the 172 millions.

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  • Title: [1820 July 22 Emancipation Spanish]
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    Summary

    The reason will now be seen, why it is to the subject many, and not

    to the ruling few nor even indiscriminately to both that the papers of which this is

    the summary is addressed: nor could it have been written, but for the consideration,

    that of there can be an occasion, in which, in any country, the ruling few can

    prevail upon themselves, or be prevailed upon, to make any sacrifice whatever of

    their own narrower interest to the more extensive interest of the subject many, it is

    the occasion in which, as now, the ruling few may for a time, endure to regard

    themselves as standing in need of the support of the subject many for the very means

    of common safety, as well as far the means of maintaining themselves in their

    respective situations.

    9. As to the interests of the inhabitants of the distant

    dependencies, even supposing them not to have, on their own account, any claim to

    consideration on the part of the subject many in Spain, they will still be found to

    possess an incontestable claim to such consideration, on the ground of the effect of

    the dominion on the interests of those same subject many themselves. For,- the more

    strongly adverse in its very nature, to the interest of the Spanish Americans, is the

    dominion thus exercised over them, the stronger is the resistance of which, on their

    part, in proportion as the opposition of interests is understood and felt, it can not

    but be expected to be productive.

    Weak as are the strongest reasons that could be given why the rulers

    of either country should exercise dominion over the other, yet if for any such

    wide-stretching dominion there were any nceessity or use, reasons probably not less

    good might be given why it should be the ruling few in Spanish America that should

    exercise dominion over subject many and ruling few together in Spain, as why ruling

    few in Spain should exercise dominion over subject many and ruling few together in

    Spanish America.